tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-90270867261672069592024-03-05T09:09:36.413-08:00Wikileaks News and Updates BlogUp to date news and information about Julian Assange and WikileaksMichael Moorehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13739217039402627922noreply@blogger.comBlogger62125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9027086726167206959.post-610698661113436902013-03-05T19:31:00.002-08:002013-03-05T19:32:14.971-08:00 Bradley Manning’s statement taking responsibility for releasing documents to WikiLeaks<!--[if !mso]>
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<a href="http://www.bradleymanning.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/01/bradnews.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" border="0" height="157" src="http://www.bradleymanning.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/01/bradnews.jpg" title="Bradley Manning" width="200" /></a></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">US Army
PFC Bradley Manning</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;"></span></div>
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<a href="http://www.bradleymanning.org/news/highlights-from-bradley-mannings-feb-28-2013-statement-explaining-actions-as-acts-of-conscience" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">You can also read highlights from the statement here</a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">By Army
PFC Bradley Manning</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Read to
Judge Denise Lind, Fort Meade courtroom, February 28, 2013</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Transcript
by the Bradley Manning Support Network. (Scroll down for
acknowledgements.)</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">I wrote
this statement in confinement, so… The following facts are provided in support
of the providence inquiry for my court martial, United States v. Pfc. Bradley
E. Manning.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">I am a
25-year old Private First Class in the United States Army currently assigned to
Headquarters and Headquarters Company, HHC, US Army Garrison—USAG, Joint Base
Myer, Henderson Hall, Fort Meyer, Virginia. Prior to this assignment, I was
assigned to HHC, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 10th Mountain Division at Fort Drum,
New York. My primary military occupational specialty or PMOS is 35 fox-trot:
intelligence analyst. I entered active duty status on 2 October 2007. I
enlisted with the hope of obtaining both real-world experience and earning
benefits under the GI Bill for college opportunities.</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Facts
Regarding My Position as an Intelligence Analyst</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;"></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">In order
to enlist in the army, I took the Standard Armed Services Aptitude Battery or
ASAB. My score [unavailable] was high enough for me to qualify for any enlisted
MOS position. My recruiter informed me that I should select an MOS that
complimented my interests outside the military. In response, I told him I was
interested in geopolitical matters and information technology. He suggested I
consider becoming an intelligence analyst. After researching the intelligence
analyst position, I agreed this would be a good fit for me. In particular, I
enjoyed the fact that an analyst could use information derived from a variety
of sources to create work products that informed the command of its available
choices for determining the best course of action or COAs. Although the MOS
required working knowledge of computers, it primarily required me to consider
how raw information can be combined with other available intelligence sources
in order to create products that assisted the command in its situational
awareness or SA.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">I
assessed that my natural interest in geopolitical affairs and my computer
skills would make me an excellent intelligence analyst. After enlisting I
reported to the Fort Meade military entrance processing station on 1 October
2007. I then traveled to—and reported at—Fort Leonard Wood, Missouri, on 2
October 2007 to begin basic combat training or BCT.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Once at
Fort Leonard Wood, I quickly realized that I was neither physically nor
mentally prepared for the requirements of basic training. My BCT experience
lasted six months instead of the normal 10 weeks. Due to medical issues, I was
placed on a hold status. A physical examination indicated that I sustained
injuries to my right shoulder and left foot. Due to those injuries I was unable
to continue basic. During medical hold, I was informed that I may be out
processed from the Army, however, I resisted being chaptered out because I felt
that I could overcome my medical issues and continue to serve. On 20 January
2008, I returned to basic combat training. This time I was better prepared, and
I completed training on 2 April 2008.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Then I
reported for the MOS specific Advances Individual Training or AIT on 7 April
2008. AIT was an enjoyable experience for me. Unlike basic training, where I
felt different from the other soldiers, I fit in well. I preferred the mental
challenges of reviewing a large amount of information from various sources and
trying to create useful or actionable products. I especially enjoyed the
practice of analysis through the use of computer applications and methods that
I was familiar with.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">I
graduated from AIT on 16 August 2008 and reported to my first duty station,
Fort Drum, NY, on 28 August 2008. As an analyst, Significant Activities or
SigActs were a frequent source of information for me to use in creating work
products. I started working extensively with SigActs early after my arrival at
Fort Drum. My computer background allowed me to use tools, such as the
Distributed Common Ground System-Army or D6-A computers to create polished work
products for the 2nd Brigade Combat Team chain of command. The non-commissioned
officer in charge, or NCOIC, of the S2 section, then Master Sergeant David P.
Adkins recognized my skills and potential and tasked me to work on a tool
abandoned by a previously assigned analyst—the incident tracker. The incident
tracker was viewed as a back-up to the Combined Information Data Network
Exchange or CIDNE and as a unit, historical reference.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">In the
months preceding my upcoming deployment, I worked on creating a new version of
the incident tracker and used SigActs to populate it. The SigActs I used were
from Afghanistan because at the time our unit was scheduled to deploy to the
Logar and Wardak Provinces of Afghanistan. Later my unit was reassigned to
deploy to Eastern Baghdad, Iraq. At that point, I removed the Afghanistan
SigActs and switched to Iraq SigActs.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">As and
analyst I viewed the SigActs as historical data. I believed this view is shared
by other all-source analysts as well. SigActs giae a first look impression of a
specific or isolated event. This event can be an improvised explosive device
attack or IED, small-arms fire engagement or SAF engagement with a hostile
force, or any other event a specific unit documented and recorded in real time.
In my perspective, the information contained within a single SigAct or group of
SigActs is not very sensitive. The events encapsulated within most SigActs
involve either enemy engagements or casualties. Most of this information is
publicly reported by the public affairs office or PAO, embedded media pools, or
host-nation—HN—media.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">As I
started working with SigActs, I felt they were similar to a daily journal or
log that a person may keep. They capture what happens on a particular day in
time. They are created immediately after the event, and are potentially updated
over a period of hours until final version is published on the CIDNE [Combined
Information Data Network Exchange]. Each unit has its own Standard Operating
Procedure or SOP for reporting recording SigActs. The SOP may differ between
reporting in a particular deployment and reporting in garrison. In a garrison a
SigAct normally involves personnel issues such as driving under the influence
or DUI incidents or an automobile accident involving the death or serious injury
of a soldier. The reports starts at the company level and goes up to the
battalion, brigade, and even up to the division level.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">In a
deployed environment a unit may observe or participate in an event and a
platoon leader or platoon sergeant may report the event as a SigAct to the
company headquarters and the radio transmission operator or RTO. The commander
or RTO will then forward the report to the battalion battle captain or battle
non-commissioned officer or NCO. Once the battalion battle captain or battle
NCO receives the report they will either 1) notify the battalion operations
officer or S3; 2) conduct an action, such as launching a quick reaction force;
or 3) record the event and report and further report it up the chain of command
to the brigade.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">The
reporting of each event is done by radio or over the Secret Internet Protocol
Router Network or SIPRNet, normally by an assigned soldier, usually junior
enlisted E-4 and below. Once the SigAct is recorded, the SigAct is further sent
up the chain of command. At each level, additional information can either be
added or corrected as needed. Normally within 24 to 48 hours, the updating and
reporting or a particular SigAct is complete. Eventually all reports and
SigActs go through the chain of command from brigade to division and division
to corp. At corp level the SigAct is finalized and [cataloged?].</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">The CIDNE
system contains a database that is used by thousands of Department of
Defense–DoD—personel including soldiers, civilians, and contractors. It was the
United States Central Command or CENTCOM reporting tool for operational
reporting in Iraq and Afghanistan. Two separate but similar databases were
maintained for each theater: CIDNE-I for Iraq and CIDNE-A for Afghanistan. Each
database encompasses over a hundred types of reports and other historical
information for access. They contain millions of vetted and finalized
directories including operational intelligence reporting.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">CIDNE was
created to collect and analyze battle data to provide daily operational and
Intelligence Community (IC) reporting relevant to a commander’s daily decision
making process. The CIDNE-I and CIDNE-A databases contain reporting and
analysis fields for multiple disciplines including Human Intelligence or HUMINT
reports, Psychological Operations or PSYOP reports, Engagement reports, counter
improvised explosive device or CIED reports, SigAct reports, targeting reports,
social and cultural reports, civil affairs reports, and human terrain reports.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">As an
intelligence analyst, I had unlimited access to the CIDNE-I and CIDNE-A
databases and the information contained within them. Although each table within
the database is important, I primarily dealt with HUMINT reports, SigAct
reports and Counter IED reports because these reports were used to create a
work product I was required to published as an analyst. In working on an
assignment I looked anywhere and everywhere for information. As an all-source
analyst, this was something that was expected. The D6-A systems had databases
built in, and I utilized them on a daily basis. This simply was the search
tools available on the D6-A systems on SIPRNet such as Query Tree and the DoD
and Intellink search engines. Primarily, I utilized the CIDNE database using
the historical and HUMINT reporting to conduct my analysis and provide a
back-up for my work product. I did statistical analysis on historical data
including SigActs to back-up analyses that were based on HUMINT reporting and
produce charts, graphs, and tables. I also created maps and charts to conduct
predictive analysis based on statistical trends.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">The
SigAct reporting provided a reference point for what occurred and provided
myself and other analysts with the information to conclude possible outcomes.
Although SigAct reporting is sensitive at the time of their creation, their
sensitivity normally dissipates within 48 to 72 hours as the information is
either publicly released or the unit involved is no longer in the area and not
in danger. It was my understanding that the SigAct reports remain classified
only because they are maintained within CIDNE because it is only accessible on
SIPRnet. Everything on CIDNE-I and CIDNE-A to include SigAct reporting was
treated as classified information.</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Facts
Regarding the Storage of SigAct Reports</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;"></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">As part of
my training at Fort Drum, I was instructed to ensure that I create back-ups of
my work product. The need to create back-ups was particularly acute given the
relative instability and reliability of the computer systems we used in the
field during deployment. These computer systems included both organic and
theater provided equipment (TPE) D6-A machines.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">The
organic D6-A machines we brought with us into the field on our deployment were
Dell laptops and the TPE D6-A machines were Alien-ware brand laptops. The D6-A
laptops were the preferred machine to use as they were slightly faster and had
fewer problems with dust and temperature than the theater provided Alienware
laptops. I used several D6-A machines during the deployment due to various technical
problems with the laptops.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">With
these issues several analysts lost information, but I never lost information
due to the multiple back-ups I created. I attempted to back-up as much relevant
information as possible. I would save the information so that I or another
analyst could quickly access it whenever a machine crashed, SIPRnet
connectivity was down, or I forgot where the data was stored. When backing up
information I would do one or all of the following things based on my training:</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">1)
Physical back-up. I tried to keep physical back-up copies of information on
paper so that the information could be grabbed quickly. Also, it was easier to
brief with hard copies of research and HUMINT reports.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">2) Local
drive back-up. I tried to sort out information I deemed relevant and kept
complete copies of the information on each of the computers I used in the
Temporary Sensitive Compartmented Information Facility or T-SCIF, including my
primary and secondary D6-A machines. This was stored under my user profile on
the desktop.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">3) Shared
drive backup. Each analyst had access to what we call a T-drive, shared across
the SIPRnet. It allowed others to access information that was stored on it. The
S6 operated the T-drive.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">4)
Compact disk rewritable or CD-RW back-up. For larger data sets I saved the
information onto a rewritable disk, labeled the disks, and stored them in the
conference room of the T-SCIF. This redundancy allowed us to not worry about
information loss. If the system crashed, I could easily pull the information
from a secondary computer, the T-drive, or one of the CD-RWs. If another
analysts wanted to access my data, but I was unavailable she could find my
published products directory on the T-drive or on the CD-RWs. I sorted all of
my products or research by date, time, and group; and updated the information
on each of the storage methods to ensure that the latest information was
available to them.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">During
the deployment I had several of the D6-A machines crash on me. Whenever one
computer crashed, I lost information but the redundancy method ensured my
ability to quickly restore old back-up data and add current information to the
machine when it was repaired or replaced.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">I stored
the back-up CD-RW with larger datasets in the conference room of the T-SCIF or
next to a workstation. I marked the CD-RWs based on the classification level
and its content. Unclassified CD-RWs were only labeled with the content type
and were not marked with classification markings.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Early on
in the deployment, I only saved and stored SigActs that were within or near
operational environment. Later, I thought it would be easier to just to save
all of the SigActs onto a CD-RW. The process would not take very long to
complete, and so I downloaded the SigActs from CIDNE-I onto a CD-RW. After
finishing with CIDNE-I, I did the same with CIDNE-A. By retrieving the CIDNE-I
and CIDNE-A SigActs, I was able to retrieve the information whenever I needed
it, and not rely upon the unreliable and slow SIPRnet connectivity needed to
pull. Instead, I could just find the CD-RW and open up a pre-loaded
spreadsheet.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">This
process began in late December 2009 and continued through early January 2010. I
could quickly export one month of the SigAct data at a time and download in the
background as I did other tasks. The process took approximately a week for each
table. After downloading the SigAct tables, I periodically updated them, by
pulling the most recent SigActs and simply copying them and pasting them into
the database saved on the CD-RW. I never hid the fact that I had downloaded
copies of both the SigAct tables from CIDNE-I and CIDNE-A. They were stored on
appropriately labeled and marked CD-RW, stored in the open.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">I viewed
saving copies of CIDNE-I and CIDNE-A as for both for my use and the use of
anyone within S2 section during the SIPRnet connectivity issues.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">In
addition to the SigAct tables, I had a large repository of HUMINT reports and
Counter IED reports downloaded from CIDNE-I. These contained reports relevant
to the area in and around our operational environment in Eastern Baghdad and
the Diyala Province of Iraq.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">In order
to compress the data to fit onto a CD-RW, I used a compression algorithm called
‘bzip2′. The program used to compress the data is called ‘WinRAR’. WinRAR is an
application that is free, and can be easily downloaded from the internet via
the Non-Secure Internet Relay Protocol Network or NIPRnet. I downloaded WinRAR
on NIPRnet and transfered it to the D6-A machine user profile desktop using a
CD-RW. I did not try to hide the fact that I was downloading WinRAR onto my
SIPRnet D6-A machine or computer.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">With the
assistance of the bzip2 algorithm using the WinRAR program, I was able to fit
all of the SigActs onto a single CD-RW and relevant HUMINT and Counter ID
reports onto a separate CD-RW.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Facts
Regarding My Knowledge of the WikiLeaks Organization (WLO)</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;"></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">I first
became vaguely aware of the WLO during my AIT at Fort Huachuca, Arizona,
although I did not fully pay attention until WLO released purported Short
Messaging System or SMS messages from 11 September 2001 on 25 November 2009. At
that time references to the release and the WLO website showed up in my daily
Google news open source search for information related to US foreign policy.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">The
stories were about how WLO published about approximately 500,000 messages. I
then reviewed the messages myself and realized that the posted messages were
very likely real given the sheer volume and detail of the content.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">After
this, I began conducting research on WLO. I conducted searched on both NIPRnet
and SIPRnet on WLO beginning in late November 2009 and early December 2009. At
this time I also began to routinely monitor the WLO website. In response to one
of my searches in December 2009. I found the United States Army Counter
Intelligence Center or USACIC report on the WikiLeaks organization. After
reviewing the report, I believed that this report was the one that my AIT
referenced in early 2008.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">I may or
may not have saved the report on my D6-A workstation. I know I reviewed the
document on other occasions throughout early 2010, and saved it on both my
primary and secondary laptops. After reviewing this report, I continued doing
research on WLO. However, based upon my open-source collection, I discovered
information that contradicted the 2008 USACIC report including information that
indicated that similar to other press agencies, WLO seemed to be dedicated to
exposing illegal activities and corruption.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">WLO
received numerous award and recognition for its reporting activities. Also,
while reviewing the WLO website, I found information regarding US military SOPs
for Camp Delta at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba and information on outdated rules of
engagement—ROE—in Iraq for cross-border pursuits of former members of Saddam
Hussein’s government.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">After
seeing the information available on the WLO website, I continued following it
and collected open sources information from it. During this time period, I
followed several organizations and groups including wire press agencies such as
the Associated Press and Reuters and private intelligence agencies including
Strategic Forecasting or Stratfor. This practice was something I was trained to
do in AIT, and was something that good analysts were expected to do. During the
searches of WLO, I found several pieces of information that I found useful in
my work as an analyst, specifically I recall WLO publishing documents related
to weapons trafficking between two nations that affected my OP. I integrated
this information into one or more of my work products.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">In
addition to visiting the WLO website, I began following WLO using Instant Relay
Chat or IRC Client called XChat sometime in early January 2010. IRC is a
protocol for real time internet communications by messaging and conferencing,
colloquially referred to as chat rooms or chats. IRC chat rooms are designed
for group communication discussion forums. Each IRC chat room is called a
channel, similar to a TV where you can tune in and follow a channel– as long as
it is open. Once you join a specific IRC conversation, other users in the
conversation can see you have joined the room. On the Internet there are
millions of different IRC channels across several services. Channel topics span
a range of topics covering all kinds of interests and hobbies.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">My
primary reason for following WLO on IRC was curiosity, particularly in regards
to how and why they obtained the SMS messages referenced above. I believed that
collecting information on the WLO would assist me in this goal. Initially, I
simply observed the IRC conversations. I wanted to know how the organization
was structured, and how they obtained their data. The conversations I viewed
were usually technical in nature but sometimes switched to a lively debate on
issues the particular individual may have felt strongly about.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Over a
period of time I became more involved in these discussions especially when
conversations turned to geopolitical events and information technology topics,
such as networking and encryption methods. Based on these observations, I would
describe the WLO organization [discussions?] as almost academic in nature. In
addition to the WLO conversations, I participated in numerous other IRC
channels across at least three different networks. The other IRC channels I
participated in normally dealt with technical topics, including with Linux and
Berkley Secure Distribution BSD operating systems or OS’s, networking,
encryption algorithms and techniques and other more political topics, such as
politics and current events.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">I
normally engaged in multiple IRC conversations simultaneously—mostly publicly
but often privately. The XChat client enabled me to manage these multiple
conversations across different channels and servers. The screen for XChat was
often busy, but its screens enabled me to see when something was interesting. I
would then select the conversation and either observe or participate.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">I enjoyed
the IRC conversations pertaining to the WLO, however, at some point in late
February or early March of 2010, the WLO IRC channel was no longer accessible.
Instead, regular participants of this channel switched to using the Jabber
server. Jabber is another internet communication tool similar, more
sophisticated than IRC. The IRC and Jabber conversations, allowed me to feel
connected to others even when alone. They helped pass the time and keep
motivated throughout the deployment.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Facts
Regarding the Unauthorized Storage and Disclosure of the SigActs</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;"></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">As
indicated above, I created copies of the CIDNE-I and CIDNE-A SigAct tables as
part of the process of backing up information. At the time I did so, I did not
intend to use this information for any purpose other than for back-up. However,
I later decided to release this information publicly. At that time, I believed
and still believe that these tables are two of the most significant documents
of our time.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">On or
around 8 January 2010, I collected the CD-RW I stored in the conference room of
the T-SCIF and placed it into the cargo pocket of my army combat uniform. At
the end of my shift, I took the CD-RW out of the T-SCIF and brought it to my Containerized
Housing Unit of CHU. I copied the data onto my personal laptop.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Later at
the beginning of my shift, I returned the CD-RW back to the conference room of
the T-SCIF. At the time I saved the SigActs to my laptop, I planned to take
them with me on mid-tour leave and decide what to do with them. At some point
prior to my mid-tour, I transferred the information from my computer to a
Secure Digital memory card from my digital camera. The SD card for the camera also
worked on my computer and allowed me to store the SigAct tables in a secure
manner for transport.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">I began
mid-tour leave on 23 January 2010, flying from Atlanta, Georgia, to Regan
National Airport in Virginia. I arrived at the home of my aunt, Debra M. Van
Alstyne, in Potomac, Maryland, and quickly got into contact with my then
boyfriend, Tyler R. Watkins. Tyler—then a student at Brandeis University in
Waltham, Massachusetts—and I made plans for me to visit him him in the Boston,
Massachusetts area.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">I was
excited to see Tyler and planned on talking to him about where our relationship
was going and about my time in Iraq. However, when I arrived in the Boston area
Tyler seemed to become distant. He did not seem very excited about my return
from Iraq. I tried talking to him about our relationship but he refused to make
any plans.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">I also
tried raising the topic of releasing the CIDNE-I and CIDNE-A SigAct tables to
the public. I asked Tyler hypothetical questions about what he would do if he
had documents that he thought the public needed access to. Tyler really didn’t
have a specific answer for me. He tried to answer the questions and be
supportive, but he seemed confused by the question in this context. Then I
tried to be more specific, but he asked too many questions. Rather than try to
explain my dilemma, I decided to drop the conversation.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">After a
few days in Waltham, I began to feel I was overstaying my welcome, and returned
to Maryland. I spent the remainder of my time on leave in the Washington, DC,
area. During this time a blizzard bombarded the mid-atlantic. I spent a
significant period of time essentially stuck in my aunt’s house in Maryland.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">I began
to think about what I knew and the information I still had in my possession.
For me, the SigActs represented the on-the-ground reality of the conflicts in
both Iraq and Afghanistan. I felt that we were risking so much for people that
seemed unwilling to cooperate with us, leading to frustration and [hatred?
anger] on both sides.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">I began
to become depressed with the situation we found ourselves increasingly mired
in. The SigActs documented this in great detail and provide a context of what
we were seeing on the ground. In attempting to conduct counter-terrorism or CT
and counter-insurgency COIN operations we became obsessed with capturing and
killing human targets on lists and on being suspicious of and avoiding
cooperation with our Host Nation partners, ignoring the second and third order
effects of accomplishing short-term goals and missions.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">I
believed that if the general public, especially the American public, had access
to the information contained within the CIDNE-I and CIDNE-A tables it could
spark a domestic debate on the role of the military and our foreign policy in
general as it related to Iraq and Afghanistan.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">I also
believed the detailed analysis of the data over a long period of time by
different sectors of society might cause society to reevaluate the need or even
the desire to even to engage in counterterrorism and counterinsurgency
operations that ignore the complex dynamics of the people living in the
affected environment everyday.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">At my
aunt’s house I debated what I should do with the SigActs, in particular whether
I should hold on to them or disclose them to a press agency. At this point I decided
that it made sense to expose the SigAct tables to an American newspaper. I
first called my local newspaper, <i>The Washington Post</i>, and spoke
with a woman saying that she was a reporter. I asked her if the <i>Washington
Post </i>would be interested in receiving information that would have
enormous value to the American public. Although we spoke for about five minutes
concerning the general nature of what I possessed, I do not believe she took me
seriously. She informed me that the <i>Washington Post</i> would
possibly be interested, but that such decisions were made only after seeing the
information I was referring to and after consideration by the senior editors.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">I then
decided to contact the largest and most popular newspaper, <i>The New York
Times</i>. I called the public editor number on the<i> New York Times</i> website.
The phone rang and was answered by a machine. I went through the menu section
for news tips. I was routed to an answering machine. I left a message stating I
had access to information about Iraq and Afghanistan that I believed was very
important. However, despite leaving my Skype phone number and personal email
address, I never received a reply from <i>The New York Times</i>.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">I also
briefly considered dropping into the office for the political commentary blog
Politico, however the weather conditions during my leave hampered my efforts to
travel. After these failed efforts I ultimately decided to submit the materials
to the WLO. I was not sure if the WLO would even actually publish the SigAct
tables. I was concerned that they might not be noticed by the American media.
However, based upon what I had read about the WLO through my research described
above, this seemed to be the best medium for publishing this information to the
world within my reach.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">At my
aunt’s house I joined in on an IRC conversation and stated I had information
that needed to be shared with the world. I wrote that the information would
help document the true cost of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. One of the
individuals in the IRC asked me to describe the information. Before I could
describe the information another individual pointed me to the link for the WLO
web site online submission system. After ending my IRC connection, I considered
my options one more time. Ultimately, I felt that the right thing to do was to
release the SigActs.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">On 3
February 2010, I visited the WLO website on my computer and clicked on the
submit documents link. Next I found the submit your information online link and
decided to submit the SigActs via the router or TOR anonymizing network by
special link. TOR is a system intended to provide anonymity online. The
software routes internet traffic through a network of servers and other TOR
clients to conceal the user’s location and identity.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">I was
familiar with TOR and had it previously installed on a computer to anonymously
monitor the social media website of militia groups operating within central
Iraq. I followed the prompts and attached the compressed data files of CIDNE-I
and CIDNE-A SigActs. I attached a text file I drafted while preparing to
provide the documents to the<i>Washington Post</i>. I provided rough guidelines
saying, “It’s already been sanitized of any source identifying information. You
might need to sit on this information—perhaps 90 to 100 days—to figure out how
best to release such a large amount of data and to protect its source. This is
possibly one of the more significant documents of our time removing the fog of
war and revealing the true nature of twenty-first century asymmetric warfare.
Have a good day.”</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">After
sending this, I left the SD card in a camera case at my aunt’s house in the
event I needed it again in the future. I returned from mid-tour leave on 11
February 2010. Although the information had not yet been published by the WLO,
I felt this sense of relief by them having it. I felt I had accomplished
something that allowed me to have a clear conscience based upon what I had seen
and what I had read about and knew were happening in both Iraq and Afghanistan
everyday.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Facts
Regarding the Unauthorized Storage and Disclosure of 10 Reykjavik 13</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;"></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">I first
became aware of the diplomatic cables during my training period in the AIT. I
later learned about the Department of State or DoS netcentric Diplomacy NCD
portal from the 2/10 Brigade Combat Team S2, Captain Steven Lim. Captain Lim
sent a section-wide email to the other analysts and officer in late December
2009 containing the SIPRnet link to the portal, along with the instructions to
look at the cables contained within them and incorporate them into our work
product.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Shortly
after this I also noticed the diplomatic cables were being reported to in
products from the corp level US Forces Iraq or US-I. Based on Captain Lim’s
direction to become familiar with its contents, I read virtually every
published cable concerning Iraq.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">I also
began scanning the database and reading other random cables that piqued my
curiosity. It was around this time, in early to mid-January of 2010, that I
began searching the database for information on Iceland. I became interested in
Iceland due to the IRC conversations I viewed in the WLO channel discussing an
issue called Icesave. At this time I was not very familiar with the topic, but
it seemed to be a big issue for those participating in the conversation. This
is when I decided to investigate and conduct a few searches on Iceland to find
out more.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">At the
time, I did not find anything discussing the Icesave issue either directly or
indirectly. I then conducted an open source search for Icesave. I then learned
that Iceland was involved in a dispute with the United Kingdom and the
Netherlands concerning the financial collapse of one or more of Iceland’s
banks. According to open source reporting much of the public controversy
involved the UK’s use of anti-terrorism legislation against Iceland in order to
freeze Icelandic access for payment of the guarantees for UK depositors that
lost money.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Shortly
after returning from mid-tour leave, I returned to the Net Centric Diplomacy
portal to search for information on Iceland and Icesave as the topic had not
abated on the WLO IRC channel. To my surprise, on 14 February 2010, I found the
cable 10 Reykjavik 13, which referenced the Icesave issue directly.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">The
cable, published on 13 January 2010, was just over two pages in length. I read
the cable and quickly concluded that Iceland was essentially being bullied
diplomatically by two larger European powers. It appeared to me that Iceland
was out viable options and was coming to the US for assistance. Despite the
quiet request for assistance, it did not appear that we were going to do
anything.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">From my
perspective it appeared that we were not getting involved due to the lack of
long term geopolitical benefit to do so. After digesting the contents of 10
Reykjavik 13 I debated whether this was something I should send to the WLO. At
this point the WLO had not published or acknowledged receipt of the CIDNE-I or
CIDNE-A tables. Despite not knowing if the SigActs were a priority for the WLO,
I decided the cable was something that could be important. I felt that I might
be able to right a wrong by having them publish this document. I burned the
information onto a CD-RW on 15 February 2010, took it to my CHU, and saved it
on my personal laptop.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">I
navigated to the WLO website via a TOR connection like before and uploaded the
document via the secure form. Amazingly, the WLO published 10 Reykjavik 13
within hours, proving the form worked and that they must have received the
SigAct tables.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Facts
Regarding the Unauthorized Storage and Disclosure of the 12 July 2007 Aerial
Weapons Team (AWT) Video</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;"></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">During
the mid-February 2010 time-frame, the 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 10th Mountain
Division targeting analysts, then Specialist [Jihrleah?] W. Showman and others
discussed a video that Ms. Showman had found on the T-drive.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">The video
depicted several individuals being engaged by an aerial weapons team. At first
I did not consider the video very special, as I have viewed countless other
“war porn”-type videos depicting combat. However, the recording and audio
comments by the aerial weapons team and the second engagement in the video of
an unarmed bongo truck troubled me. As Showman and a few other analysts and
officers in the T-SCIF commented on the video and debated whether the crew
violated the rules of engagement or ROE in the second engagement, I shied away
from this debate, and decided to conduct some research on the event. I wanted
to learn what happened and whether there was any background to the events of
the day that the event occurred, 12 July 2007.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Using
Google I searched for the event by date by its general location. I found
several new accounts involving two Reuters employees who were killed during the
aerial weapon team engagement. Another story explained how Reuters had
requested for a copy of the video under the Freedom of Information Act or FOIA.
Reuters wanted to view the video in order to understand what had happened and
to improve their safety practices in combat zones. A spokesperson for Reuters
was quoted saying that the video might help avoid the re-occurrence of the tragedy
and believed there was a compelling need for the immediate release of the
video.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Despite
the submission of the FOIA request, the news account explained that CENTCOM
replied to Reuters, stating that they could not give a time frame for
considering a FOIA request and that the video might no longer exist. Another
story I found written a year later said that even though Reuters was still
pursuing the request, they still did not receive a formal response or written
determination in accordance with FOIA.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">The fact
neither CENTCOM or Multi National Forces Iraq or MNF-I would not voluntarily
release the video troubled me further. It was clear to me that the event
happened because the aerial weapons team mistakenly identified Reuters
employees as a potential threat and that the people in the bongo truck were
merely attempting to assist the wounded. The people in the van were not a
threat but merely “good Samaritans.” The most alarming aspect of the video to
me, however, was the seemly delightful blood-lust the Aerial Weapons Team
seemed to have.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">They
dehumanized the individuals they were engaging and seemed to not value human
life, and referred to them as quote-unquote “dead bastards,” and congratulated
each other on their ability to kill in large numbers. At one point in the video
there is an individual on the ground attempting to crawl to safety. The
individual is seriously wounded. Instead of calling for medical attention to
the location, one of the aerial weapons team crew members verbally asks for the
wounded person to pick up a weapon so that he can have a reason to engage. For
me, this seemed similar to a child torturing ants with a magnifying glass.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">While
saddened by the aerial weapons team crew’s lack of concern about human life, I
was disturbed by the response of the discovery of injured children at the
scene. In the video, you can see a bongo truck driving up to assist the wounded
individual. In response the aerial weapons team crew assumes the individuals
are a threat. They repeatedly request for authorization to fire on the bongo
truck, and once granted, they engage the vehicle at least six times.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Shortly
after the second engagement, a mechanized infantry unit arrives at the scene.
Within minutes, the aerial weapons team crew learns that children were in the
van. Despite the injuries the crew exhibits no remorse. Instead, they downplay
the significance of their actions, saying quote ‘Well, it’s their fault for
bringing their kids into a battle.”</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">The
aerial weapons team crew members sound like they lack sympathy for the children
or the parents. Later, in a particularly disturbing manner, the aerial weapons
team crew vocalizes enjoyment at the sight of one of the ground vehicles
driving over one of the bodies.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">As I
continued my research, I found an article discussing a book, <i>The Good
Soldiers</i>, written by <i>Washington Post </i>writer David Finkel.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">In Mr.
Finkel book, he writes about the aerial weapons team attack. As I read an
online excerpt in Google Books, I followed Mr. Finkel’s account of the event
belonging to the video. I quickly realize that Mr. Finkel was quoting, I feel
verbatim, the audio communications of the aerial weapons team crew.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">It is
clear to me Mr. Finkel obtained access and a copy of the video during his
tenure as an embedded journalist. I was aghast at Mr. Finkel’s portrayal of the
incident. Reading his account, one would believe the engagement was somehow
justified as payback for an earlier attack that lead to the death of a soldier.
Mr. Finkel ends his account of the engagement by discussing how a soldier finds
an individual still alive from the attack. He writes the soldier finds him and
sees him gesture with his two forefingers together—a common method in the
Middle East to communicate that they are friendly. However, instead of
assisting him, the soldier makes an obscene gesture with his middle finger.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">The
individual apparently dies shortly thereafter. Reading this, I can only think
of how this person was simply trying to help others, and then quickly finds he
needs help as well. To make matter worse, in the last moments of his life, he
continues to express his friendly intent only to find himself receiving this
well known gesture of unfriendliness. For me it’s all a big mess. I was left
wondering what these things mean, and how it all fits together. It burdens me
emotionally.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">I saved a
copy of the video on my workstation. I searched for and found the rules of
engagement, the rules of engagement annexes, and a flow chart from the 2007
time period, as well as an unclassified Rules of Engagement smart card from
2006. On 15 February 2010 I burned these documents onto a CD-RW at the same
time I burned the 10 Reykjavik 13 cable onto a CD-RW. At the time, I placed the
video and rules for engagement information onto my personal laptop in my CHU. I
planned to keep this information there until I re-deployed in Summer 2010. I
planned on providing this to the Reuters office in London to assist them in
preventing events such as this in the future.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">However,
after the WLO published 10 Reykjavik 13, I altered my plans. I decided to
provide the video and the rules of engagement to them so that Reuters would
have this information before I re-deployed from Iraq. On about 21 February
2010, as described above, I used the WLO submission form and uploaded the
documents. The WLO released the video on 5 April 2010. After the release, I was
concern about the impact of the video and how it would been received by the
general public. I hoped that the public would be as alarmed as me about the
conduct of the aerial weapons team crew members. I wanted the American public
to know that not everyone in Iraq and Afghanistan were targets that needed to
be neutralized, but rather people who were struggling to live in the pressure
cooker environment of what we call asymmetric warfare. After the release I was
encouraged by the response in the media and general public who observed the
aerial weapons team video. As I hoped, others were just as troubled—if not more
troubled—that me by what they saw.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">At this
time, I began seeing reports claiming that the Department of Defense an CENTCOM
could not confirm the authenticity of the video. Additionally, one of my
supervisors, Captain Casey Fulton, stated her belief that the video was not
authentic. In her response, I decided to ensure that the authenticity of the
video would not be questioned in the future. On 25 February 2010, I emailed
Captain Fulton a link to the video that was on our T-drive, and a copy of the
video published by WLO that was collected by the open source center so she
could compare them herself.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Around
this time frame, I burned a second CD-RW containing the aerial weapons team
video. In order to make it appear authentic, I placed a classification sticker
and wrote “Reuters FOIA Req” on its face. I placed the CD-RW in one of my
personal CD cases containing a set of “Starting Out in Arabic” CDs. I planned
on mailing out the CD-RW to Reuters after our re-deployment so they could have
a copy that was unquestionably authentic.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Almost
immediately after submitting the air weapons team video and rules of engagement
documents, I notified the individuals in the WLO IRC to expect an important
submission. I received a response from an individual going by the handle of
“Office.” At first our conversations were general in nature, but over time as
our conversations progressed, I assessed this individual to be an important
part of the WLO. Due to the strict adherence of anonymity by the WLO, we never
exchanged identifying information, however, I believe the individual was likely
Mr. Julian Assange [pronounced "Ah-sang-hee"], Mr. Daniel Schmidt, or
a proxy representative of Mr. Assange ["Ah-sang-hee"] and Schmidt. As
the communications transferred from IRC to the Jabber client, I gave “Office” and
later “Press Association” the name of Nathaniel Frank in my address book, after
the author of a book I read in 2009.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">After a
period of time, I developed what I felt was a friendly relationship with
Nathaniel. Our mutual interest in information technology and politics made our
conversations enjoyable. We engaged in conversation often. Sometimes as long as
an hour or more. I often looked forward to my conversations with Nathaniel
after work. The anonymity provided by TOR and the Jabber client and the WLO’s
policy allowed me to feel I could just be myself, free of the concerns of
social labeling and perceptions that are often placed upon me in real life.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">In real
life, I lacked a closed friendship with the people I worked with in my section,
the S2 section. In my section, the S2 section supported battalions and the 2nd
Brigade Combat Team as a whole. For instance, I lacked close ties with my
roommate to his discomfort regarding my perceived sexual orientation.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Over the
next few months, I stayed in frequent contact with Nathaniel. We conversed on
nearly a daily basis, and I felt we were developing a friendship. The
conversations covered many topics and I enjoyed the ability to talk about
pretty much everything—not just the publications that the WLO was working on.
In retrospect, I realize that these dynamics were artificial and were valued
more by myself than Nathaniel. For me, these conversations represented an
opportunity to escape from the immense pressures and anxiety that I experienced
and built up through out the deployment. It seems that as I tried harder to fit
in at work, the more I seemed to alienate my peers and lose the respect, trust,
and support I needed.</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Facts
Regarding the Unauthorized Storage and Disclosure of Documents Related to the
Detainments by the Iraqi Federal Police or FP, Detainee Assessment Briefs and
the USACIC United States Army Counter Intelligence Center report:</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;"></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">On 27
February 2010, a report was received from a subordinate battalion. The report
described an event in which the Federal Police, or FP, detained 15 individuals
for printing anti-Iraqi literature. On 2 March 2010, I received instructions
from an S3 section officer in the 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 10th Mountain
Division Tactical Operation Center or TOC to investigate the matter and figure
out who the quote “bad guys” unquote were and how significant this event was
for the Federal Police.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Over the
course of my research I found that none of the individuals had previous ties to
anti-Iraqi actions or suspected terrorist militia groups. A few hours later, I
received several photos from the scene from the subordinate battalion. They
were accidentally sent to an officer on a different team in the S2 section, and
she forwarded them to me.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">These
photos included picture of the individuals, [pallets?] of unprinted paper and
seized copies of the final, printed document, and a high-resolution photo of
the printed material itself. I printed out one copy of a high resolution photo.
I laminated it for ease of use and transfer. I then walked to the TOC and
delivered the laminated copy to our Category 2 interpreter.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">She
reviewed the information and about a half and hour later delivered a rough
written transcript in English to the S2 section. I read the transcript and
followed up with her, asking her for her take on the content. She said it was
easy for her to transcribe verbatim since I blew up the photograph and
laminated it. She said the general nature of the document was benign. The
document, as I had assessed as well, was merely a scholarly critique of the
then current Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">It
detailed corruption within the cabinet of al-Maliki’s government and the
financial impact of his corruption on the Iraqi people. After discovering this
discrepancy between the Federal Police’s report and the interpreter’s
transcript, I forwarded this discovery to the top OIC and the battle NCOIC. The
top OIC and the [unavailable] battle captain informed me they didn’t want or
need to know this information anymore. They told me to quote “drop it” unquote
and to just assist them and the Federal Police in finding out where more of
these print shops creating quote “anti-Iraqi literature” unquote might be.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">I
couldn’t believe what I heard, and I returned to the T-SCIF and complained to
the other analysts in my section NCOIC about what happened. Some were
sympathetic, but no one wanted to do anything about it.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">I am the
type of person who likes to know how things work, and as an analyst, this means
I always want to figure out the truth. Unlike other analysts in my section or
other sections within the 2nd Brigade Combat Team, I was not satisfied with
just scratching the surface and producing canned or cookie-cutter assessments.
I wanted to know why something was the way it was, and what we could to correct
or mitigate the situation.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">I knew if
I continued to assist the Baghdad Federal Police in identifying the political
opponents of Prime Minister al-Maliki, those people would be arrested and in
the custody of the Special Unit of the Baghdad Federal Police and very likely
tortured and not seen again for a very long time—if ever.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Instead
of assisting the Special Unit of the Baghdad Federal Police, I decided to take
the information and expose it to the WLO, before the upcoming 7 March 2010
election, hoping they could generate some immediate press on the issue and
prevent this unit of the Federal Police from continuing to crack down in
political opponents of al-Maliki. On 4 March 2010, I burned the report, the
photos, the high-resolution copy of the pamphlet, and the interpreter’s hand-written
transcript onto a CD-RW. I took the CD-RW [... copies to his personal
computer]. Unlike the times before, instead of uploading the information
through the submission form, I used a Secure File Transfer Protocol, or SFTP
connection, to a [cloud? file?] drop box operated by the WLO. The drop box
contained a folder that allowed me to upload directly into it. Saving files
into this directory allowed me or anyone with log-in access to server to view
and download them. After uploading these files to the WLO, on 5 March 2010, I
notified Nathaniel over Jabber. Although sympathetic, he said that the WLO
needed more information to confirm the event in order for it to be published or
to gain interest in the international media.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">I
attempted to provide the specifics but to my disappointment, the WLO website
chose not to publish this information. At the same time, I began sifting
through information from … SOUTHCOM and Joint Task Force Guantanamo, Cuba or
JTF-GTMO. The thought occurred to me, although unlikely … the individual
detained by the Federal Police might be turned over into US custody, ending up
in the custody of Joint Task Force Guantanamo.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">As I
digested through the information on Joint Task Force Guantanamo, I quickly
found the Detainee Assessment Briefs, or DABs. I previously came across the
documents before in 2009 but did not think much about them. However, this time
I was more curious in this search and I found them again.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">The DABs
were written in standard DoD memorandum format and addressed the commander of
US SOUTHCOM. Each memorandum gave basic background information about detainees
held at some point by Joint Task Force Guantanamo. I have always been
interested in the issue of the moral efficacy of our actions surrounding Joint
Task Force Guantanamo. On the one hand, I have always understood the need to
detain and interrogate individuals who might wish to harm the United States and
our allies, however, the more I became educated on the topic, it seemed that we
found ourselves holding an increasing number of individuals indefinitely that
we believed or knew to be innocent, low-level foot soldiers that did not have
useful intelligence and would’ve been released if they were held in theater.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">I also
recall that in early 2009 the then newly elected president, Barack Obama,
stated he would close Joint Task Force Guantanamo, and that the facility
compromised our standing over all, and diminished our quote-unquote “moral
authority.” After familiarizing myself with the DABs, I agreed.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Reading
through the Detainee Assessment Briefs, I noticed they were not analytical
products. Instead they contained summaries of [unavailable] versions of interim
intelligence reports that were old or unclassified. None of the DABs contained
names of sources or quotes from tactical interrogation reports or TIRs. Since
the DABs were being sent to the US SOUTHCOM commander, I assessed they were
intended to provide general background information on each detainee—not a
detailed assessment.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">In
addition to the manner [in which] the DABs were written, I recognized they were
at least several years old, discussing detainees already released from Joint
Task Force Guantanamo. Based on this, I determined that the DABs were not very
important from either an intelligence or national security standpoint. On 7
March 2010, during my Jabber conversation with Nathaniel, I asked him if he
thought the DABs might be of any use to anyone. Nathaniel indicated although he
did not believe that they were of political significance, he did believe that
they could be used to merge into the general historical account of what
occurred at JTF Guantanamo. He also thought the DABs might be helpful to the
legal counsel of those currently or previously held at Gitmo.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">After this
discussion, I decided to download the data. I used an application called Wget
to download the DABs. I downloaded Wget off the NIPRnet laptop in the T-SCIF,
like other programs. I saved that on a CD-RW and placed the executable in my
documents directory on my user profile for the D6-A SIPRnet workstation.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">On 7
March 2010, I took a list of links for the DABs, and used Wget to download them
sequentially. I burned the data onto a CD-RW, and took it into my CHU, and
copied them onto my personal computer. On 8 March 2010, I combined the Detainee
Assessment Briefs with the United States Army Counterintelligence Center
reports on the WLO into a compressed Zip file. Zip files contain multiple
files, compressed to reduce their size.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">After
creating the zip file, I uploaded the file onto their [cloud? file?] drop box
via Secure File Transfer Protocol. Once these were uploaded, I notified
Nathaniel this information was in the X directory, designated for my own use.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Earlier
that day, I downloaded the USACIC report on WLO. As discussed above, I
previously reviewed the report on numerous occasions and although I saved the
document onto the workstation before, I could not locate it. After I found the
document again, I downloaded it to my workstation, and saved it onto the same
CD-RW as the Detainee Assessment Briefs described above.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Although
my access included a great deal of information, I decided I had nothing else to
send to WLO after sending the Detainee Assessment Briefs and the USACIC report.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Up to
this point I had sent them the following:</span></div>
<ul type="disc">
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list 36.0pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">the CIDNE-I and -A SigActs tables</span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list 36.0pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">the Reykjavik 13 Department of State Cable</span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list 36.0pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">the 12 July 2007 aerial weapons team video</span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list 36.0pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">the 2006-2007 Rules of Engagement documents</span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list 36.0pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">the SigAct report and supporting documents
concerning the 15 individuals detained by the Baghdad Federal Police</span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list 36.0pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">the US SOUTHCOM and Joint Task Force
Guantanamo Detainee Assessment Briefs.</span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list 36.0pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">a USACIC report on the WikiLeaks website and
organization.</span></li>
</ul>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Over next
fw weeks I did not send any additional information to WLO. I continued to
converse with Nathaniel over the Jabber client and in the WLO IRC channel.
Although I stopped sending documents to WLO, no one associated with WLO
pressured me into giving more information.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">The
decisions I made to send documents and information to WLO and the website were
my own decisions, and I take full responsibility for my actions.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Facts
Regarding the Unauthorized Disclosure of Other Government Documents</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;"></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">On 22
March 2010, I downloaded two documents. I found these documents over the course
of my normal duties as an analyst. Based on my training and the possible
guidance of my superiors, I looked at as much information as possible. Doing so
provided me with the ability to make connections that others might miss. On several
occasions throughout March, I accessed information from a government entity. I
read several documents from a section within this government entity. The
content of two of these documents upset me greatly, and I had difficulty
believing what this section was doing.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">On 22
March 2010, I downloaded the two documents that I found troubling and
compressed them into a zip file named “Blah.zip,” and burned them onto a CD-RW.
I took the CD-RW to my CHU and copied the files to my personal computer. I
uploaded the information to the WLO website using the designated prompts.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Facts
Regarding the Unauthorized Storage and Disclosure of the Net Centric Diplomacy
Department of State Cables</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;"></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">In late
March 2010, I received a warning over Jabber from Nathaniel, that the WLO
website would be publishing the aerial weapons team video. He indicated that
the WLO would be very busy and the frequency and intensity of our Jabber
conversations might decrease significantly.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">During
this time, I had nothing but work to distract me. I read more of the diplomatic
cables published on the Department of State Net Centric Diplomacy server. With
my insatiable curiosity and interest in geopolitics, I became fascinated. I
read not only the cables on Iraq, but also about countries and events I found
interesting. The more I read, the more I was fascinated by the way we dealt
with other nations and organizations. I soon began to think the documented
backdoor deals and seemingly criminal activity didn’t seem characteristic of
the de facto leader of the free world.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Up to
this point during the deployment, I had issues I struggled with and difficulty
at work. Of the documents released, the cables were the only ones I was not
absolutely certain couldn’t harm the United States. I conducted research on the
cables published on Net Centric Diplomacy, as well as how Department of State
cables worked in general.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">In
particular, I wanted to know how each cable was published on SIRPnet via the
Net Centric Diplomacy. As part of my open source research, I found a document
published by the Department of State on its official website. The document
provided guidance on caption markings for individual cables and handling
instructions for their distribution. I quickly learned the caption markings
clearly detailed the sensitivity of Department of State cables. For example,
NODIS or No Distribution was used for messages at the highest sensitivity and
were only distributed to the authorized recipients.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">The
SIPDIS or SIPRnet distribution caption applied only to [unavailable verbatim:
he describes information and messages "deemed appropriate for"
release and "a wide number of individuals"]. According to the
Department of State guidance, for a cable to have the SIPDIS caption, it could
not include other captions limiting distribution.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">The
SIPDIS caption was only for information [to be] shared with anyone [authorized
to] access SIPRnet. I was aware that thousands of military personnel, DoD, DoS,
and other civilian agencies had easy access to the tables. The fact the SIPDIS
caption was for wide distribution made sense to me given how the vast majority
of the Net Centric Diplomacy Cables were not classified.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">The more
I read the cables, the more I came to the conclusion this was the type of
information that should become public. I once read [unavailable] a quote on
open diplomacy written after the First World War [about how] the world would be
a better place if states would avoid making secret pacts and deals with or
against each other. I thought these cables were a prime example of the need for
more open diplomacy.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Given all
of the DoS info I read, the fact most of these cables were unclassified, and
that all the cables have a SIPDIS caption, I believed the public release of
these cables would not damage the United States. I did believe that the
cables might be embarrassing since they represent very honest opinions and
statements behind the backs of other nations and organizations. In many ways
these cables are a catalogue of cliques and gossip. I believed exposing this information
might make some within the DoS, and other government entities, unhappy.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">On 22
March 2010, I began downloading a copy of the SIPDIS cables using the program
Wget, described above. I used instances of the Wget application to download the
Net Centric Diplomacy cables in the background. As I worked on my daily tasks,
the Net Centric Diplomacy cables were downloaded from 28 March 2010 to 9 April
2010. After downloading the cables, I saved them to a CD-RW.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">These
cables went from the earliest dates in Net Centric Diplomacy to 28 February
2010. I took the CD-RW to my CHU on 10 April 2010. I sorted the cables on my
personal computer, compressed them using the [bzip2?] compression algorithm
described above, and uploaded them to the WLO via designated drop box.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">On 3 May
2010, I used Wget to download and update cables for the months of March 2010
and April 2010. I saved the information onto a zip file and burned it to a
CD-RW. I then took the CD-RW to my CHU and saved those to my computer. I later
found that the file was corrupted during the transfer. I intended to save
another copy of these cables, but was removed from the T-SCIF on 8 May 2010
after an altercation.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Facts
Regarding the Unauthorized Storage and Disclosure of Garani, Farah Province,
Afghanistan 15-6 Investigation and Videos</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;"></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">In late
March 2010, I discovered a US CENTCOM directory on a 2009 air-strike in
Afghanistan. I was searching CENTCOM for information I could use as an analyst.
This is something myself and other officers did on a frequent basis. As I
reviewed the documents, I recalled the incident and what happened. The
airstrike occurred in the Garani village in the Farah Province, Northwestern
Afghanistan. It received worldwide press coverage at the time as it was
reported that up to 100-150 Afghan civilians, mostly women and children, were
accidentally killed during the airstrike.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">After
going through the report and annexes, I began to review the incident as being
similar to the 12 July 2007 aerial weapons team engagements in Iraq, however,
this event was noticeably different in that it involved a significantly higher
number of individuals, larger aircraft and much heavier munitions. The
conclusions of the report are more disturbing than those of the July 2007
incident. I did not see anything in the 15-6 report or its annexes that gave
away sensitive information. Rather, the investigation and its conclusions help
explain how the incident occurred and what those involved should of done to
avoid an event like this occurring again.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">After
investigating the report and annexes, I downloaded the 15-6 investigation,
PowerPoint presentations and supporting documents to my workstation. I also
downloaded three zip files containing the videos of the incident. I burned this
information onto a CD-RW and transfered it to the personal computer in my CHU.
Later that day or the next, I uploaded the information to the WLO website using
a new version of the submission form. Unlike other times using the submission
form above, I did not activate the TOR anonymizer.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Your
Honor, this concludes my statement and facts for this providence inquiry.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">With this
statement, PFC Bradley Manning pled guilty to 10 lesser-included offenses,
while refusing to characterize his actions as befitting the prosecution’s
charge of aiding the enemy. This was the first time since his arrest that
Manning has publicly commented on the motives and methods of his
monumental disclosures.</span></i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;"></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">This
transcript is the result of press-room note-taking from Michael McKee (writing
for Counterpunch.com) and Nathan Fuller of the Bradley Manning Support Network,
in addition to the efforts of Alexa O’Brien, whose widely circulated transcript
served as a supplemental and corroborating source. Where doubts remain
regarding an exact word or phrase, the contributors have substituted bracketed
phrasing wholly faithful to the meaning, tone and style of Manning’s verbiage.</span></i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;"></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Court
resumed at 11:06 am after a roughly 20-minute recess. Although it was unclear
ahead of time how or how much Judge Lind would allow Bradley to read from his
statement, she addresses him almost immediately after court is called to
order. </span></i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;"></span></div>
Michael Moorehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13739217039402627922noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9027086726167206959.post-27971448548301763352012-12-21T00:12:00.000-08:002012-12-21T00:12:39.943-08:00WikiLeaks to release files on 'every country'<div id="main-sns">
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<div class="preParagraph">
<a href="http://www.bangkokpost.com/media/content/20121221/455566.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" border="0" height="200" hspace="3" src="http://www.bangkokpost.com/media/content/20121221/455566.jpg" vspace="3" width="161" /></a>LONDON — WikiLeaks will release one million
documents next year affecting every country in the world, founder Julian
Assange said in a speech from the balcony of the Ecuadorian embassy in
London on Thursday.</div>
In a "Christmas message" marking six months since he sought asylum in
the embassy to avoid extradition to Sweden over claims of rape and
sexual assault, Assange also said the door was open to negotiations.<br />
Assange said to cheers from around 100 supporters that despite
spending half of 2012 holed up in the building it had been a "huge year"
in which his anti-secrecy website had released documents about Syria
and other topics.<br />
"Next year will be equally busy. WikiLeaks has already over one
million documents being prepared to be released, documents that affect
every country in the world -- every country in this world," he said to
applause.<br />
<div class="articlePhotoLeft">
Julian Assange (AFP photo)</div>
The Australian former computer hacker thanked Ecuadorian president
Rafael Correa for granting him asylum and hit out at the United States
and other Western governments.<br />
"True democracy is not the White House, true democracy is not
cameras, true democracy is the resistance of people armed with the truth
against lies from Tahrir to London," he said.<br />
But the 41-year-old added that "the door is open, and the door has
always been open, for anyone who wishes to speak to me" to resolve the
situation.<br />
He raised his hand in a clenched fist salute at the end of the speech.<br />
A statement issued by the Ecuadorian ambassador said: "At a time of
year when people come closer together, Ecuador reaffirms the solidarity
that our country gave six months ago to a person who was being
persecuted for thinking and expressing themselves freely.<br />
"Now is a moment for reflection and togetherness. On behalf of my country, I reiterate our support for Julian Assange.<br />
"Julian has become a guest in this house that we all have learned to appreciate," added the statement.<br />
Supporter Blake Cohen, an unemployed father-of-one, told AFP: "I
don't know about his personal life -- I'm not a fly on the wall -- but I
know that WikiLeaks is an organisation that promotes peace and justice.<br />
"The rape allegations seem like a classic honeytrap," he added.<br />
It was Assange's first public appearance since he addressed a crowd
from the same balcony -- now festooned with fairy lights -- on August 19
and Ecuadorian officials have since said that he is suffering from
health problems.<br />
Britain has refused to grant him safe passage to either Ecuador or to
hospital, saying it has a legal obligation to extradite him to Sweden
after Assange lost his final battle in the British courts in June.<br />
Assange claims that if he is extradited to Sweden he could eventually
be sent to the United States for prosecution over WikiLeaks'
controversial release of secret US military and diplomatic files.<br />
He says he could face life in prison or even the death penalty in the US.<br />
Source: Bankok Post<br />
21/12/2012 Michael Moorehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13739217039402627922noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9027086726167206959.post-76131216236892820382012-08-22T17:42:00.000-07:002012-08-22T17:42:14.734-07:00Watch Julian Assange's speech in full on video.<br />
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<iframe allowfullscreen='allowfullscreen' webkitallowfullscreen='webkitallowfullscreen' mozallowfullscreen='mozallowfullscreen' width='320' height='266' src='https://www.blogger.com/video.g?token=AD6v5dxQS5G9P6KFSXOb190oqglfaSjeAC2V-jcl4VUt-zMJ1_v_L5pPPm1N_PSftwdio_fai1HZjFehHoW3A8G_0Q' class='b-hbp-video b-uploaded' frameborder='0'></iframe></div>
<br />
Courtesy of ABC Australia. http://www.abc.net.au/news/2012-08-21/us-denies-assange-claims/4211574<br />
<br />
<br />Michael Moorehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13739217039402627922noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9027086726167206959.post-27847992107375757912012-08-19T17:25:00.000-07:002012-08-19T17:25:18.493-07:00Statement by Julian Assange August 2012
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
Source:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><a href="http://wikileaks.org/Official-Statement-by-Julian.html">http://wikileaks.org/Official-Statement-by-Julian.html</a></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
Official
Statement by Julian Assange from the Ecuadorian Embassy Sunday August 19th,
14:30 BST</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
(This
version has been proofed)</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
I am here
because I cannot be closer to you.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
Thank you
for being here.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
Thank you
for your resolve and your generosity of spirit.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
On Wednesday
night after a threat was sent to this embassy and the police descended on the
building, you came out in the middle of the night to watch over it and you
brought the world’s eyes with you.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
Inside the
embassy, after dark, I could hear teams of police swarming into the building
through the internal fire escape.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
But I knew
that there would be witnesses.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
And that is
because of you.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
If the UK
did not throw away the Vienna Conventions the other night, it is</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
because the
world was watching.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
And the
world was watching because you were watching.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
The next
time somebody tells you that it is pointless to defend the rights</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
we hold
dear, remind them of your vigil in the dark outside the Embassy of Ecuador, and
how, in the morning, the sun came up on a different world, and a courageous
Latin American nation took a stand for justice.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
And so, to
those brave people:</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
I thank President
Correa for the courage he has shown in considering and</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
granting me
political asylum.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
And so I
thank the government and the Foreign Minister, Ricardo Patio, who have upheld
the Ecuadorian constitution and its notion of universal rights in their consideration
of my case.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
And to the
Ecuadorian people for supporting and defending their</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
constitution.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
And I have a
debt of gratitude to the staff of this embassy whose families</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
live in
London and who have shown me hospitality and kindness despite the threats that
they have received.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
This Friday
there will be an emergency meeting of the foreign ministers of</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
Latin
America in Washington D.C. to address this situation.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
And so I am
grateful to the people and governments of Argentina, Bolivia,</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
Brazil,
Chile, Colombia, El Salvador, Honduras, Jamaica, Mexico,</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
Nicaragua,
Peru, Venezuela and to all other Latin American countries who</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
have come to
the defence of the right to asylum.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
To the
people of the United States, the United Kingdom, Sweden and</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
Australia
who have supported me in strength while their governments have not. And to
those wiser heads in government who are still fighting for justice. Your day
will come.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
To the
staff, supporters and sources of WikiLeaks whose courage, commitment and loyalty
have seen no equal.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
To my family
and to my children who have been denied their father: forgive me. We will be
reunited soon.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
As WikiLeaks
stands under threat, so does the freedom of expression and the health of our
societies.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
We must use
this moment to articulate the choice that is before the</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
government
of the United States of America.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
Will it
return to and reaffirm the values it was founded on?</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
Or will it
lurch off the precipice dragging us all into a dangerous and</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
oppressive
world in which journalists fall silent under the fear of</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
prosecution
and citizens must whisper in the dark?</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
I say that
it must turn back.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
I ask
President Obama to do the right thing.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
The United
States must renounce its witch-hunt against WikiLeaks.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
The United
States must dissolve its FBI investigation.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
The United
States must vow that it will not seek to prosecute our staff or</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
our
supporters.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
The United
States must pledge before the world that it will not pursue</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
journalists
for shining a light on the secret crimes of the powerful.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
There must
be no more foolish talk about prosecuting any media</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
organization,
be it WikiLeaks or the New York Times.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
The US
administration’s war on whistle-blowers must end.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
Thomas
Drake, William Binney, John Kirakou and the other heroic US</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
whistle-blowers
must - they must - be pardoned and compensated for the</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
hardships
they have endured as servants of the public record.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
And the Army
Private who remains in a military prison in Fort Leavenworth Kansas, who was
found by the UN to have endured months of torturous detention in Quantico
Virginia and who has yet - after two years in prison - to see a trial, must be
released.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
And if
Bradley Manning really did as he is accused, he is a hero, an</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
example to
us all and one of the world’s foremost political prisoners.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
Bradley
Manning must be released.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
On
Wednesday, Bradley Manning spent his 815th day in detention without</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
trial. The
legal maximum is 120 days.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
On Thursday,
my friend, Nabeel Rajab, was sentenced to 3 years for a tweet.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
On Friday, a
Russian band was sentenced to 2 years in jail for a political</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
performance.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
There is
unity in the oppression.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
There must
be absolute unity and determination in the response.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
Michael Moorehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13739217039402627922noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9027086726167206959.post-20695219255499130512012-08-19T17:24:00.002-07:002012-08-19T17:24:41.845-07:00Timeline of Wikileaks & Assange to August 2012
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
*As always,
a good timeline lessens confusion</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
*December
2006:* Julian Assange, a former Australian computer hacker,</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
founds
Wikileaks.org <<a href="http://wikileaks.org/">http://wikileaks.org/</a>>.
The website aims to provide a platform for whistleblowers to post sensitive and
secret political</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
documents
while keeping their identity anonymous.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
*February
2008:* Wikileaks exposes Swiss Bank, Julius Baer, for involvement in money
laundering. It publishes internal documents to show that the bank was helping
clients launder funds via the Cayman Islands. This leads to the first of many
legal charges against Wikileaks.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
*November
2009:* Wikileaks releases a comprehensive archive of text pager messages
recorded in the US on September 11,2001, the day when hijacked airplanes
crashed into the World Trade Center in New York and the Pentagon in Washington.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
*April
2010:* Wikileaks releases a video of a 2007 US military helicopter</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
strike on
Baghdad, Iraq, and the casualties that resulted from this.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
Bradley
Manning, an American soldier, is charged and arrested for leaking</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
the
information.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
*July 2010:*
Wikileaks releases classified US military documents on the war in Afghanistan
<<a href="http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/the-war-logs">http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/the-war-logs</a>>
revealing details of civilian victims and alleged links between Pakistan and the
Taliban.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
*August
2010:* A Swedish court issues an arrest warrant for Assange on</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
charges of
rape made by two Swedish women, who were also former employees of Wikileaks but
then decides to postpone the warrant until November.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
*October
2010:* Wikileaks releases some 400,000 accounts written by</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
American
soldiers from 2004 to 2009 revealing that the US decided to ignore cases of
torture by Iraqi authorities on civilians.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
*November
2010:* Swedish prosecutor re-issues European arrest warrant for Assange. Ten
days later, Wikileaks releases classified US diplomatic</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
cables,
revealing assessments of American officials on a range of issues</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
together
with views of other governments.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
*December
2010:* Assange hands himself over to London’s police and is</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
placed in custody
pending a Swedish court’s ruling on the extradition</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
request. A
few days later, Assange is released on bail and tells media that</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
the rape
allegations are part of a politically-motivated campaign to</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
undermine
him. He was ordered by the court to live at a supporter’s country side mansion
in eastern England.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
*February
2011:* A British judge rules Assange can be extradited to Sweden to face sexual
assault allegations. He dismisses claims made by Assange’s lawyers who argued
that Assange would not receive a fair trial in Sweden. The 39-year-old denied
three allegations of sexual assault and one allegation of rape in Stockholm
last year.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
*July 2011:*
Assange appeals against the extradition ruling.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
*September
2011:* Assange’s unauthorised biography is released in England in which he
completely denies the sexual assault allegations made against him.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
*October
2011:* Assange announces Wikileaks will temporarily stop</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
publishing
classified US diplomatic files to concentrate on fundraising for</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
the website
after incurring a 95% loss in its revenue due to a financial</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
blockade by
credit card companies such as MasterCard and Visa.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
*November
2011:* British High Court judges reject Assange’s appeal against his
extradition to Sweden.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
*January
2012:* Assange appeals his extradition at British Supreme Court.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
*May 2012:*
British Supreme Court rejects Assange’s extradition appeal and rules that he
must be tried in Sweden.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
*June 2012:*
Assange makes a plea for asylum in Ecuador after seeking</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
refuge at
the South American nation’s embassy in London. Ecuador’s foreign</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
minister
announced that they would be evaluating Assange’s request</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
according to
international law.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
*June 28th
2012:* Assange ordered by British police to turn himself in on</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
an extradition
notice.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
*June 29th
2012:* Assange refuses to turn</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
himself<<a href="http://www.euronews.com/2012/06/29/assange-refuses-to-surrender-to-uk-police/">http://www.euronews.com/2012/06/29/assange-refuses-to-surrender-to-uk-police/</a>></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
in</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
to British
police and officials say they will arrest him as soon as he</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
leaves
Ecuador’s embassy. Ecuador delays decision on Assange’s request for</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
asylum.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
*July 2012:*
Wikileaks hires Spain’s former human rights judge, Baltasar</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
Garzon, to
lead the legal team fighting for Assange. Garzon is said to have met Assange at
the Ecuadorian embassy in London. read</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
more<<a href="http://www.euronews.com/2012/07/25/wikileaks-hire-spain-human-rights-judge/">http://www.euronews.com/2012/07/25/wikileaks-hire-spain-human-rights-judge/</a>></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
*August
2012:* UK warns Ecuador it may raid its London embassy if it</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
Doesn’t hand
over Assange to the British police. Ecuador condemns such a threat and few
hours later, announces that it will grant Assange political</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
asylum.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
Michael Moorehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13739217039402627922noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9027086726167206959.post-32125801385658507692012-06-13T14:12:00.000-07:002012-06-13T14:12:09.948-07:00<h2>
A message from Bradley's attorney David Coombs.</h2>
<i>Supporters held a vigil in solidarity with Bradley Manning's June
6-8th motion hearing. Nathan Fuller reports back from the court room,
and PFC Bradley Manning's attorney, David Coombs, sends a message of <a href="http://t.ymlp300.net/mwqqadajmqsavauwqazaeesb/click.php">gratitude</a> to supporters, thanking them for all the help and support Bradley has received. You can help Bradley in several ways: <a href="http://t.ymlp300.net/mwqyatajmqsaaauwqaiaeesb/click.php">donate to his defense fund</a>, send a <a href="http://t.ymlp300.net/mwysanajmqsapauwqanaeesb/click.php">solidarity photo</a>, or attend his next appearance in Ft. Meade, on June 25.</i><br />
<hr />
<a href="http://t.ymlp300.net/mwyuadajmqsacauwqaraeesb/click.php"><img align="right" alt="" border="0" class="me42418size-medium me42418wp-image-24015" height="180" hspace="10" src="http://www.bradleymanning.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/06/David-Coombs-attorney-for-0071-300x180.jpg" title="David-Coombs-attorney-for-007" vspace="5" width="300" /></a>
By David Coombs. June 12, 2012.<br />
Over the past two years, thousands of individuals have either donated
to the defense fund or given freely of their time to support PFC
Bradley Manning.
The support provided has come in many forms:<br />
1)
Signing petitions (<a href="http://t.ymlp300.net/mwyeaiajmqsaiauwqavaeesb/click.php">standwithbrad.org</a>);<br />
2)
Standing up to say "I am Bradley Manning" (<a href="http://t.ymlp300.net/mwymarajmqsafauwqaoaeesb/click.php">iam.bradleymanning.org</a>);<br />
3)
Writing to military/government authorities;<br />
4)
Writing letters to the editors of local and national newspapers;<br />
5)
Attending marches, rallies, and other public events to raise awareness about Bradley Manning;<br />
6)
Using <a href="http://t.ymlp300.net/mwyjarajmqsapauwqakaeesb/click.php">social media</a> to write about the case and the events of every hearing;<br />
7)
Contacting government representatives;<br />
8)
Sending messages of support to my law office;<br />
9)
<a href="http://t.ymlp300.net/mwqyatajmqsaaauwqaiaeesb/click.php">Donating to the legal defense fund</a>; or<br />
10)
Volunteering with the Bradley Manning Support Network and <a href="http://t.ymlp300.net/mwybavajmqsakauwqakaeesb/click.php">Courage to Resist</a>.<br />
<br />
At every court hearing, I am given the opportunity to witness this support first hand.
The attendance by supporters during these hearings as been nothing short of inspiring.
Although my client is not permitted to engage those in attendance, he aware of your presence and support.<br />
<a href="http://t.ymlp300.net/mwyuadajmqsacauwqaraeesb/click.php"><img align="right" alt="" border="0" class="me42418size-medium me42418wp-image-24023" height="223" hspace="10" src="http://www.bradleymanning.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/06/208915_418684231509022_1696646054_n-300x223.jpg" title="208915_418684231509022_1696646054_n" vspace="5" width="300" /></a>
During our latest hearing on 6 - 8 June, I was particularly struck by
the warmth of support by those in attendance.
At one point during a break, I had causally mentioned that it was my
anniversary.
Apparently a supporter had overheard this statement, and took up a
collection to give flowers, a balloon, and a thoughtful card to me and
my wife.
This kind gesture is emblematic of the type of people who are supporting
Brad.<br />
I would like to publicly thank all those who have supported my client
over the past two years.
I also want to pass on the following message from Brad:
"I am very grateful for your support and humbled by your ongoing
efforts."
Brad also asked me to specifically thank on his behalf the unflinching
support of Courage to Resist and the Bradley Manning Support Network.<br />
What happens in this court-martial is of vital importance to all of us.
With your continued support, we will ensure that justice is achieved for Brad.Michael Moorehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13739217039402627922noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9027086726167206959.post-85746816605404205662011-10-24T13:07:00.000-07:002011-10-24T13:07:18.550-07:00Bank Blocade of Wikileaks<iframe src="http://player.vimeo.com/video/25412550?title=0&byline=0&portrait=0" width="400" height="225" frameborder="0" webkitAllowFullScreen allowFullScreen></iframe><p><a href="http://vimeo.com/25412550">What Does it Cost to Change the World?</a> from <a href="http://vimeo.com/wikileaks">WikiLeaks</a> on <a href="http://vimeo.com">Vimeo</a>.</p><br />
WikiLeaks is under attack by the big financial services companies , but there are still ways you can beat them.<br />
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Censorship, like everything else in the West, has been privatized.<br />
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As a result of exposing U.S. embassies from around the world, five major US financial institutions, VISA, MasterCard, PayPal, Western Union and the Bank of America, have tried to economically strangle WikiLeaks The attack has blocked over 95% of our donations, costing tens of millions of dollars in lost revenue. The attack is entirely political. In fact, in the only formal review to occur, the US Treasury found that there were no lawful grounds to add WikiLeaks to financial blockade .<br />
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Your donations are vital to pay for our fight against this and other kinds of censorship, for Wikileaks' projects, staff, servers and protective infrastructure. We are entirely supported by the general public.<br />
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You can donate by<br />
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The trust is audited and can only spend funds on Julian Assange & other WikiLeaks staff's legal defense. The terms of the tust and its trustees can be found here . It is governed by the laws of the United Kingdom.<br />
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Click here http://wikileaks.org/Banking-Blockade.html for more about the Banking BlockadeMichael Moorehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13739217039402627922noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9027086726167206959.post-2831086523701615732011-07-13T15:54:00.000-07:002011-07-13T15:54:28.531-07:00Letter to Bradley ManningBradley,<br />
<br />
We hope that this letter finds you healthy and strong. You have already seen adversity that most people do not bear in a lifetime, and we are sadly aware of the hardships you face. We are sending this letter to you in the hopes that our feelings of support may help you to bear these days. We want you to know that we, people all over the world, are fighting for you. We can gladly say that we are many.<br />
<br />
Your case has become a great symbol to all of us. It has bound us together in an awareness of our shared interests, shared responsibilities, and shared fate. There is much that we do not know, but irrespective of the truths of your particular case, your flag has become the standard of an indefatigable civil movement, straddling generations and borders, striving inexorably against the great injustices of our time, for which the injustices you suffer are the tragic emblem. Your tenure in that small prison cell has reached across the world, moving many people, ushering a generation to awareness and action. Your name is on all our lips, and your face, for us, is an icon of moral courage.<br />
<br />
You stand accused of upholding justice when her bearers let her banner fall. You are accused of actions that no law should rightly prohibit while remaining law. When the law is turned against conscience and courage, it is turned against itself. Our society has lost its way.<br />
<br />
Your prosecution under this ruse of justice is already written into history as a persecution, not of one man, but of us all. It is not a single injustice, but an injustice to end the pretense of justice. It is unique and urgent. It is wrong that you suffer, while those who committed the crimes that were exposed, who started a horrific and unjustifiable war based on lies, are excused. Whether you did what you are accused of or not, what you have gone through since your arrest would be unimaginable for most of us. You are a hero among us. We cannot, and will not, turn away from supporting you.<br />
<br />
We are keenly aware of your sacrifice. Be strong for us, Bradley, because we know that you suffer as one of us, for us. We will be relentless in our efforts to see justice done by you. Accept our fellowship, and know this: you are forever ours now and we salute you, and forever thank you.<br />
<br />
We hold you in our hearts. We stand with you.<br />
<br />
We are all Bradley Manning.<br />
Your brothers, sisters, friends,<br />
<br />
<a href="http://revolutiontruth.org/campaigns/bradley-manning#sign-the-letter">You can sign the letter too</a>Michael Moorehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13739217039402627922noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9027086726167206959.post-26226127420166921322011-07-12T19:26:00.000-07:002011-07-12T19:26:03.948-07:00Assange fights extradition rulingWikiLeaks founder Julian Assange has begun his appeal against extradition to Sweden to face sexual assault allegations.<br />
<br />
The 40-year-old Australian appeared at the High Court in London seeking to overturn a lower court's rejection in February of defence arguments that he would have an unfair trial in Sweden.<br />
<br />
He is accused of molestation, and what Sweden describes as "minor rape".<br />
<br />
Mr Assange's lawyers have criticised Sweden's bid to extradite him over rape allegations as legally flawed.<br />
<br />
Lawyer Ben Emmerson has described the extradition bid as somewhat of a fishing expedition - Sweden's grab at a chance to question Mr Assange - and not for the purpose of prosecution.<br />
<br />
He said the conduct described in the European arrest warrant issued by Sweden "fails to provide a fair, proper and accurate description of what is alleged against the appellant".<br />
<br />
After the ruling against him in February, Mr Assange blasted the decision as "a result of the European Arrest Warrant system run amok".<br />
<br />
Mr Emmerson also argued that Mr Assange was a victim of a "philosophical and judicial mismatch" between English and Swedish law, saying some of the allegations levelled against him would not amount to sex crimes in Britain.<br />
<br />
Swedish authorities want to question Mr Assange over the sex assault claims made by two women - allegations he denies - although he has not been formally charged.<br />
<br />
He has claimed the allegations are politically motivated and linked to his whistleblower website's releases of huge caches of leaked US government documents, which have infuriated Washington.<br />
<br />
Source: <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2011-07-13/wikileaks-assange-extradition-appeal/2792358">ABC News</a>Michael Moorehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13739217039402627922noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9027086726167206959.post-73113969810389780622011-07-12T18:46:00.000-07:002011-07-12T18:46:20.060-07:00Visa & Mastercard Board of DirectorsWho owns Mastercard and Visa I was asked the other day.<br />
<br />
Here is a list of the Board of Directors of both Visa and mastercard. These are the guys that decide policy, strategy and such matters as who is blocked from via and mastercard.<br />
<br />
Visa Board of Directors:<br />
<br />
Joseph W. Saunders (Chairman)<br />
Chairman and CEO<br />
Visa Inc.<br />
<br />
Gary Coughlan<br />
Former Chief Financial Officer and Senior Vice President of Finance<br />
Abbott Laboratories<br />
<br />
Mary B. Cranston<br />
Firm Senior Partner<br />
Pillsbury Winthrop Shaw Pittman LLP<br />
<br />
Francisco Javier Fernandez-Carbajal<br />
Former Chief Executive Officer, Corporate Development Division<br />
Grupo Financiero BBVA Bancomer<br />
<br />
Suzanne Nora Johnson<br />
Former Vice Chairman<br />
The Goldman Sachs Group, Inc.<br />
<br />
Robert W. Matschullat<br />
Former Vice Chairman and Chief Financial Officer<br />
Seagram Company Limited<br />
<br />
Cathy E. Minehan<br />
Former President and Chief Executive Officer<br />
Federal Reserve Bank of Boston<br />
<br />
David J. Pang<br />
Former Chief Executive Officer<br />
Airport Authority of Hong Kong<br />
<br />
William Shanahan<br />
Former President<br />
Colgate Palmolive Company<br />
<br />
John A. Swainson (Lead Independent Director)<br />
Former Chief Executive Officer<br />
CA, Inc.<br />
<br />
Source: <a href="http://investor.visa.com/phoenix.zhtml?c=215693&p=irol-govBoard">Visa BOD</a><br />
<br />
Mastercard Management and Board of Directors<br />
<br />
Key executives include:<br />
<br />
Ajay Banga: President and Chief Executive Officer<br />
Robert Reeg: President - Global Technology & Operations<br />
Alfredo Gangotena: Chief Marketing Officer - Global Marketing<br />
Gary Flood: President - Products & Services<br />
Noah Hanft: General Counsel, Chief Franchise Officer and Corporate President - International Markets<br />
<br />
Chris McWilton: President - US Markets<br />
Michael Michl: Chief Administration Officer<br />
Wendy Murdock: Chief Franchise Officer<br />
Javier Perez: President - Region Head MasterCard Europe<br />
Vicky Bindra: President - Region Head Asia/Pacific, Middle East & Africa<br />
Christopher Thom: Chief Risk Officer - Risk Management<br />
Stephanie Voquer: Chief Human Resources Officer<br />
<br />
As of December 2004, the following banks are represented on MasterCard's board of directors:<br />
<br />
Europay España, S.A.<br />
HSBC<br />
Clarima Banca<br />
Capital One<br />
Banamex (Citigroup's Mexican division)<br />
Citigroup<br />
Royal Bank of Scotland<br />
MBNA America (now Bank of America)<br />
Westpac Banking Corporation<br />
<br />
Southern Bank Berhad<br />
Bank of Montreal<br />
Banque Fédérative du Crédit Mutuel<br />
Deutscher Sparkassen- und Giroverband<br />
Orient Corporation<br />
Bank AL Habib<br />
Banco Mercantil<br />
BanescoMichael Moorehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13739217039402627922noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9027086726167206959.post-65844127872913766982011-07-08T19:18:00.000-07:002011-07-08T19:18:23.167-07:00Wikileaks banking blocked still<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEggtnKVRfy6iab6vFxl7cMsB7Q6MOeziVXu_ohfumCuB0l9pz5cKIP3kiDF8Y-Wkdk15CoPRuVb-6zV6PsUnAVh_CGYxwMu1szS3pksSaKvApDStHu1gyM8rxaRblDTU_nqJ4hD_eJocJw/s1600/JulianAssange.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear:right; float:right; margin-left:1em; margin-bottom:1em"><img border="0" height="200" width="200" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEggtnKVRfy6iab6vFxl7cMsB7Q6MOeziVXu_ohfumCuB0l9pz5cKIP3kiDF8Y-Wkdk15CoPRuVb-6zV6PsUnAVh_CGYxwMu1szS3pksSaKvApDStHu1gyM8rxaRblDTU_nqJ4hD_eJocJw/s200/JulianAssange.jpg" /></a></div>It seems Visa and Mastercard are not their own masters but can be pressured by 'other agencies', just like eBay's Paypal. <br />
<br />
Visa and mastercard are apparently happy to provide services to the notorious Klu Klux Klan but not to Wikileaks.<br />
<br />
Here are some links of interest:<br />
<br />
<a href=" http://www.usatoday.com/money/world/2011-07-08-Visa-wikileaks_n.htm">usatoday</a><br />
<br />
<a href="http://wikileaks.ch/Banking-Blockade.html">Banking Blockade</a><br />
<br />
<a href="http://socialtimes.com/wikileaks-mastercard-parody_b69275">Social Times</a>Michael Moorehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13739217039402627922noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9027086726167206959.post-55987533075887901212011-05-31T20:45:00.000-07:002011-05-31T20:45:42.469-07:00The Unknown Prisoners of Guantanamo (Part Three)<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjnnvbAOgbkOXf8ZsK5rx3Z4AJHXZ3NT3WN4ZAZkFKp2tJThnfEjIhF9gcbQPY8MleiQyut_hEPYpjX1c4sAt90vWrAbLE50pdFKC_bEMAtYprCMSskiCa5e-L_i0nVm3Ip0HZ2LOXMktA/s1600/guantanamo+prisoners.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear:left; float:left;margin-right:1em; margin-bottom:1em"><img border="0" height="320" width="297" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjnnvbAOgbkOXf8ZsK5rx3Z4AJHXZ3NT3WN4ZAZkFKp2tJThnfEjIhF9gcbQPY8MleiQyut_hEPYpjX1c4sAt90vWrAbLE50pdFKC_bEMAtYprCMSskiCa5e-L_i0nVm3Ip0HZ2LOXMktA/s320/guantanamo+prisoners.jpg" /></a></div>One of the great publicity coups in WikiLeaks’ recent release of classified military documents relating to the majority of the 779 prisoners held at Guantánamo, as I explained in the first part of this five-part series, was to shine a light on the stories of the first 201 prisoners to be freed from the prison between its opening, in January 2002, and September 2004, when 35 prisoners were repatriated to Pakistan, and 11 were repatriated to Afghanistan.<br />
<br />
A handful of these 46 prisoners were cleared for release as a result of the Combatant Status Review Tribunals, a one-sided process, which ran from August 2004 to March 2005 and was designed to rubber-stamp the prisoners’ prior designation as “enemy combatants,” who could continue to be held indefinitely. Information about the 558 prisoners who passed through the CSRT process (PDF) was first made publicly available in 2006, but no records have ever been publicly released by the US government which provide any information whatsoever about the 201 released, or approved for release before the CSRTs began, except for a prisoner list released in May 2006 (PDF), which contains the names, nationalities, and, where known, dates of birth and places of birth for 759 prisoners (all but the 20 who arrived at Guantánamo between September 2006 and March 2008).<br />
<br />
In the years since the documents relating to the CSRTs were released (and information relating to their annual follow-ups, the Administrative Review Boards, or ARBs), I attempted to track down the stories of these 201 men, and managed, largely through successful research that led to relevant media reports, interviews and reports compiled by NGOs, to discover information about 112 of these prisoners, but nothing at all was known about 89 others (except for their names, and, in some cases, their date of birth and place of birth). With the release of the WikiLeaks files, all but three of these 89 stories have emerged for the very first time, and in this series of articles, I am transcribing and condensing these stories, and providing them with some necessary context. The first 17 stories were in Part One, the second 17 were in Part Two, and the third 17 are below.<br />
<br />
Please note that the overwhelming majority of these 86 prisoners were Afghans or Pakistanis, and that many were assessed by the US military as “being neither affiliated with AI-Qaida nor a Taliban leader,” of having “no intelligence value to the United States,” and of posing “no threat” or “a low threat to the US, its interests or its allies.” That last reference — to them posing “a low threat” — ought to alert readers to the problems with the classification system at Guantánamo, as many of the cases involve patently innocent people seized by mistake, who, nevertheless, were referred to as “a low threat” rather than as no threat at all.<br />
<br />
On their return, the majority of the Afghans were released outright, whereas the Pakistanis were mostly imprisoned for many months before they too were granted their freedom (see here for an article from Pakistani newspaper the Nation in June 2005 describing the release of 17 prisoners repatriated from Guantánamo in September 2004, some of whom are listed below).<br />
<br />
Abdullah Edmondada (ISN 360, Afghanistan) Released March 2003<br />
<br />
Born in 1960 in Kandahar, and described, in his assessment on December 5, 2002, as Abdullah Bayanzay, he was, according to the US authorities, “selected from a lottery” in his village “to support the Taliban, which required a regular inflow of conscripts to support their operation.” As the assessment also noted, “The village reluctantly supplied conscripts to the Taliban because the village elders understood that there would be harsh consequences if they failed to comply.” As a result, at the end of September 2001, he was flown in a cargo plane to Kunduz, in north eastern Afghanistan, “along with about 50 other recruits,” and taken to the Taliban command center.” There, because Edmondada “was older than the other recruits, he requested an easy assignment and was assigned to guard a room at the command center where the recruits slept and stored their personal belongings and ammunition.”<br />
<br />
Two months later, when Kunduz fell to the Northern Alliance, he “and about 450 soldiers were loaded onto trucks” and taken to Yanghareq, to the north west of Kunduz, where they surrendered along with several thousand others. He was then transported to Sheberghan prison near Mazar-e-Sharif, surviving what has become known as the “convoy of death” because an unknown number of prisoners (but almost certainly numbering in the thousands) died en route, mostly through suffocating in the container trucks that were used to transport them.<br />
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It was also stated, as a reason for his transfer to Guantánamo on June 11, 2002, that he was transferred “because of his possible knowledge of Taliban activities in the Kunduz area under Taliban commander Abdul Basiv,” but, as I explained in a recent article, How to Read WikiLeaks’ Guantánamo Files when the Guantánamo files were first published, as part of my work liaising between WikiLeaks and its media partners):<br />
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[T]he “Reasons for Transfer” included in the documents, which have been repeatedly cited by media outlets as an explanation of why the prisoners were transferred to Guantánamo, are, in fact, lies that were grafted onto the prisoners’ files after their arrival at Guantánamo. This is because, contrary to the impression given in the files, no significant screening process took place before the prisoners’ transfer. As a senior interrogator who worked in Afghanistan explained in a book that he wrote about his experiences, every prisoner who ended up in US custody had to be sent to Guantánamo, even though the majority were not even seized by US forces, but were seized by their Afghan and Pakistani allies at a time when substantial bounty payments for “al-Qaeda and Taliban suspects” were widespread.<br />
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In its assessment, the Joint Task Force stated that it “consider[ed] the information obtained from and about him as not valuable or tactically exploitable,” and added, “Based on current information, detainee [360] is assessed as not affiliated with Al-Qaida nor as being a Taliban leader. Moreover … the detainee has no further intelligence value to the United States and will not be seen for further intelligence purposes. [He] has not expressed thoughts of violence nor made threats toward the US or its allies during interrogations or in the course of his detention. Based on the above, detainee does not pose a future threat to the US or US interests.” As a result, Maj. Gen. Geoffrey Miller, the commander of Guantánamo at the time, recommended that he be “considered for release or transfer to the control of another government.”<br />
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Shaibjan Torjan (ISN 362, Afghanistan) Released March 2003<br />
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Born in 1977 and described, in his assessment on September 27, 2002, as Sahibjan Torjan, he was an extremely unwilling Taliban conscript. As noted in his assessment, “The Taliban came to [his] home and asked for a male volunteer to join them. The only other male of military age was his father, so [he] volunteered for service.” Although the Taliban then “placed him with a fighting unit in Kunduz,” he “refused to fight,” and was imprisoned for 30 days. He was then “used as a driver,” prior to his capture by Northern Alliance forces at the fall of Kunduz. He was also, presumably, another survivor of the “convoy of death.” It was also stated, as a spurious reason for his transfer to Guantánamo on May 4, 2002, that he was transferred “because of his knowledge of Taliban facilities in several areas in northern Afghanistan.”<br />
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In its assessment, the Joint Task Force stated that it “consider[ed] the information obtained from and about him as not valuable or tactically exploitable,” and added, “Based on current information, detainee [362] is assessed as not affiliated with Al-Qaida nor as being a Taliban leader. Moreover … the detainee has no further intelligence value to the United States and will not be seen for further intelligence purposes. [He] has not expressed thoughts of violence nor made threats toward the US or its allies during interrogations or in the course of his detention. Based on the above, detainee does not pose a future threat to the US or US interests.” As a result, Maj. Gen. Michael Dunlavey, the commander of Guantánamo at the time, recommended that he be “considered for release or transfer to the control of another government.”<br />
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Shai Jahn Ghafoor (ISN 363, Afghanistan) Released March 2003<br />
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He was born in 1969 and it was stated, in his assessment on February 8, 2003, that he was a farmer and day labourer in a village in Helmand province, and that, on September 9, 2001, he was “forcibly conscripted by the Taliban to work as a supply driver in Taloqan,” in northern Afghanistan. As the assessment explained, he “drove a pickup truck carrying foodstuffs and miscellaneous supplies from a bazaar outside of Taloqan to within two miles of the front lines,” although he “did not transport ammunition or weapons and saw no foreign troops in the area where he dropped off the supplies.” Another survivor of the “convoy of death,” he was sent to Guantánamo on June 11, 2002 on the spurious basis that it was “because of [his] knowledge of Taliban recruitment and travel routes, and of details regarding Sheberghan prison” — in other words, details of how he was abused by both the Taliban and the Northern Alliance.<br />
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In its assessment, the Joint Task Force stated that it “consider[ed] the information obtained from and about him as not valuable or tactically exploitable,” and added, “Based on current information, detainee [363] is assessed as not affiliated with Al-Qaida nor as being a Taliban leader. Moreover … the detainee has no further intelligence value to the United States and will not be seen for further intelligence purposes. [He] has not expressed thoughts of violence nor made threats toward the US or its allies during interrogations or in the course of his detention. Based on the above, detainee does not pose a future threat to the US or US interests.” As a result, Maj. Gen. Miller recommended that he be “considered for release or transfer to the control of another government.”<br />
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Mohammed Kakar (ISN 364, Afghanistan) Released May 2003<br />
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Born in 1977, and described, in his assessment on March 8, 2003, as Muhamed Raz-Muhamed Kakar, he apparently “dodged Taliban conscription” twice before his capture and his pointless transfer to Guantánamo. On the second occasion, he was jailed “for being a conscientious objector” and his father arranged with an elder of the village in Uruzgan province, where he lived, to “pay 20,000,000 Afghanis for a man to take [his] place during this period of conscription.” As a result, he was freed from jail and “returned to operating the family store.” However, on October 27, 2001, the Taliban returned, taking him, via Kandahar and Kabul, to Kunduz, where he “and four other conscripts that volunteered were used as guards at a petroleum site,” their main duty being “to prevent theft of petroleum and protect the depot from arson.” Another survivor of the “convoy of death,” he was sent to Guantánamo on June 11, 2002 on the spurious basis that it was “because of his knowledge of a Taliban petroleum site that he guarded near Kunduz.”<br />
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In its assessment, the Joint Task Force stated that it “consider[ed] the information obtained from and about him as not valuable or tactically exploitable,” and added, “Based on current information, detainee [364] is assessed as not affiliated with Al-Qaida nor as being a Taliban leader. Moreover … the detainee has no further intelligence value to the United States and will not be seen for further intelligence purposes. [He] has not expressed thoughts of violence nor made threats toward the US or its allies during interrogations or in the course of his detention. Based on the above, detainee does not pose a future threat to the US or US interests.” As a result, Maj. Gen. Miller recommended that he be “considered for release or transfer to the control of another government.”<br />
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Sabit Layar (ISN 365, Afghanistan) Released July 2003<br />
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Born in 1981 and described, in his assessment on April 26, 2003, as Sabitullah Allayar, he was another unwilling Taliban conscript. According to his assessment, “In October 2001, [his] father warned him of the Taliban coming to the village again to collect conscripts. Detainee left his home and while sneaking around the wall of his home Taliban officials stopped him” and immediately took him to Kabul, via a base near Kandahar, en route to Kunduz. However, “[a]s the vehicles were being organised, the following morning, detainee escaped.” He then found a bus driver who was prepared to let him ride on top of the bus for free, but he was seized at a Taliban checkpoint near Ghazni, and taken back to Kabul “where he was beaten repeatedly for having escaped conscription.” Two days later, he was sent to Kunduz, where he was made to guard “a depot area away from the Kunduz headquarters.” It was also noted that his responsibilities “included the call to prayer.”<br />
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As Kunduz was bombed and “most of the group attempted to hide on the other side of the village where there was less death and destruction,” he ended up walking with others in his group to the desert at Yanghareq, where they surrendered to Uzbek soldiers of the Northern Alliance, and, after two days tied up, were sent to Sheberghan as part of the “convoy of death.” On June 10, 2002, he was sent to Guantánamo on the spurious basis that it was “because of his knowledge of Taliban operations in and around Kunduz and Kabul just prior to the surrender of Taliban forces in November 2001.”<br />
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In its assessment, the Joint Task Force stated that it “consider[ed] the information obtained from and about him as not valuable or tactically exploitable,” and added, “Based on current information, detainee [365] is assessed as not affiliated with Al-Qaida nor as being a Taliban leader. Moreover … the detainee has no further intelligence value to the United States and will not be seen for further intelligence purposes. [He] has not expressed thoughts of violence nor made threats toward the US or its allies during interrogations or in the course of his detention. Based on the above, detainee does not pose a future threat to the US or US interests.” As a result, Maj. Gen. Miller recommended that he be “considered for release or transfer to the control of another government.”<br />
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Hazrat Sangin Khan (ISN 366, Afghanistan) Released March 2004<br />
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He was born in 1977, and it was stated, in his assessment on August 9, 2003, that he “claim[ed] to have been a cab driver forced into the service of Taliban Commander Sher Ali,” who “worked with the Taliban as a driver for three years before he and his unit surrendered to [Northern Alliance commander General] Dostum’s forces at Mazar-e-Sharif.” The spurious reason for his transfer to Guantánamo was “because of his knowledge of senior Taliban personnel and service to the Taliban,” and, despite his instance that he was an unwilling conscript, this affiliation counted against him in Guantánamo, where it was “assessed that [he] may have knowledge regarding mid to senior-level Taliban members,” which “may be of value to the Afghan Transitional Authority (ATA), a critical ally in the US-led Operation Enduring Freedom and the Global War on Terrorism.”<br />
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In its assessment, the Joint Task Force concluded that he was “assessed as being a low-level member of the Taliban,” and it was stated that “sources not available now may be available in the future to confirm, deny, or change his intelligence value and threat assessment.” As of August 2003, however, he was assessed as being “of low intelligence value,” and of posing “a low threat risk to the US, its interests and allies,” and Maj. Gen. Miller recommended that he be “considered for transfer to the control of another government for continued detention.”<br />
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Juma Khan (ISN 443, Afghanistan) Released November 2003<br />
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He was born in 1972, and, according to his assessment on August 9, 2003, he “claimed he was tricked into accompanying a man who later turned him in as a member of the Taliban for money.” He further explained that this man, Agha, “a loyal Dostum follower,” also told civilians in the Mazar-e-Sharif area that US forces “paid civilians $2,000 USD when they surrendered as Taliban fighters.” This — which I have never heard about before – is a ploy that ought to have been perceived as self-defeating, but perhaps, in the desperation of poor, war-torn Afghanistan, it seemed like a good idea. Whatever the case, Khan claimed that he “voluntarily surrendered to US forces” and was subsequently taken to Kandahar and Guantánamo.<br />
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In its assessment, the Joint Task Force concluded that he was “assessed as not being a member of the Taliban or of al-Qaida,” and that he was “of low intelligence value,” and also posed “a low threat to the US, its interests and its allies.” As a result, Maj. Gen. Miller recommended that he be “considered for release and repatriation to his country of origin.” Mohammed Nasim (ISN 453, Afghanistan) Released March 2004<br />
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Born in 1972, he was described, in his assessment on November 22, 2003, as having been “diagnosed with chronic hepatitis B,” although it was also stated that he was “otherwise in good health.” When it came to the allegations against him, the US authorities were clearly floundering. According to Nasim’s account, Pakistani police came to his home in mid-December 2001 and arrested him, transporting hi to Bagram, and then to Guantánamo “because of suspected involvement with the Taliban.”<br />
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However, according to the US authorities, he had “not been forthright in his interviews,” and had “attempted to create a perception that he [was] uneducated, illiterate, and nothing more than an innocent ‘businessmen,’” even though, according to “[analytical research," he was "suspected to be the Taliban Deputy Minister of Education." Alarmingly, it was also noted that, according to this same process of "research," he was "maybe the former deputy to General Abdul Rashid Dostum," described as "the leader of Jumbish-I-Milli (National Islamic Movement of Afghanistan), who defected to the Taliban in November 1998," even though, by 2001, Dostum was working with the Northern Alliance, and, as well as spearheading the "convoy of death," was responsible, after the US-led invasion of Afghanistan, for handing over at least 10 percent of the total number of prisoners who ended up at Guantánamo.<br />
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In its assessment, based on this ludicrously flawed and/or vague analysis, the Joint Task Force concluded that he was "assessed as being a possible high ranking member of the Taliban," who "may be of intelligence value to the United States," and who, as a result, "poses a high threat to the US, its interests or its allies." and should continue to be detained. It was also noted that, "in the interest of national security and pursuant to an agreement between the CITF and JTF GTMO Commanders, CITF stated it would schedule this case for their Behavioral Sciences ConsultationTeam to re-evaluate the threat assessment," and either because of this, or a decision higher up, Nasim was released four months later.<br />
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Mohammed Sadiq Adam (ISN 454, Uzbekistan) Released March 2004<br />
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Listed as an Uzbek, he was actually an Afghan national, born in 1973, and in his assessment on November 24, 2003, in which he was described as Mohammed Siddiq Adam, it was stated that he claimed that he "worked for the Taliban as a truck driver," and that, "[o]n the day he was captured, he claimed to have been traveling on his normal route and was stopped by the Northern Alliance forces near the city of Bamian.” He was then handed over — or sold — to US forces. Despite this, the spurious reason for his transfer to Guantánamo on February 7, 2002 was “because of his suspected involvement with the Taliban as a fighter.”<br />
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Assessed as being “neither affiliated with AI-Qaida nor a Taliban leader,” he was also regarded as being “of no intelligence value to the United States,” and of posing “a Low Threat to the US, its interests or its allies,” and the Joint Task Force recommended him for “release or transfer to the control of another government for continued detention.” However, because the Criminal Investigative Task Force (CITF) stated that it “requires further investigation to make a threat assessment,” Maj. Gen. Miller noted that, “Until CITF completes additional investigation and conducts an assessment, JTF GTMO and CITF cannot concur on an assessment.” Four months later, Adam was released.<br />
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Hamdullah (ISN 456, Afghanistan) Released March 2004<br />
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Born in 1974 and described, in his assessment on November 11, 2003, as Mo Amad Gui, he was seized in Pakistan, from a house where he was evidently living, by the Pakistani authorities, “under suspicion of being a Taliban supporter and on weapons possession.” He was allegedly “found to have two AK-47s in his home and a weapons permit signed by the Taliban governor of Kandahar,” and it was also stated that the reason for his transfer to Guantánamo on June 12, 2002 was “because of his suspected involvement with Taliban.” In further analysis, it was stated that he and his brother were “suspected of drug and weapons smuggling that supported the Taliban directly,” but that, “When questioned concerning these issues [he had] not been forthright and [had] repeatedly been found deceptive.”<br />
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Because of this perceived deception, the Task Force stated that he had “not been fully exploited.” As a result, he was recommended for ongoing detention. Although he was “assessed as not being a member of Al-Qaida nor a Taliban leader,” he was regarded as being “of intelligence value to the United States,” and of posing “a medium threat to the US, its interests and its allies” (and the Criminal Investigative Task Force, which, “pursuant to an agreement,” defers to JTF GTMO’s assessment, categorised him as a low risk”). Despite the assessments, he was released just four months later.<br />
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Redouane Chekhouri (ISN 499, Morocco) Released July 2004<br />
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Born in 1972, he was described, in his assessment on January 3, 2004, as Radwan Shakouri, and was recommended for continued detention, on the basis that he was “of high intelligence value to the United States,” and “pose[d] a medium risk as he may possibly pose a threat to the US, its interests and allies.” Nevertheless, he was released just six months later, along with four other Moroccans, including Mohammed Ouzar (ISN 133), profiled in Part One.<br />
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Redouane Chekhouri is the brother of Younis Chekhouri (ISN 197), described here as Ahmad Abdullah Al-Wazan, who is still held, and most of his perceived significance was based on the disputed allegations against his brother. It was claimed that his brother suggested that they (Redouane, Younis and Younis’ wife) traveled to Damascus, Syria to look for work, and that when they couldn’t find any work in Syria, Younis “suggested they try to do relief work in Jalalabad, Afghanistan.” As a result, they traveled overland to Jalalabad, via Iran, where they “went to work with the detainee’s niece’s husband, Abu Ahmad,” described as “a purported member of the Moroccan Islamic Fighting Group (MIFG),” for approximately four months. After the US-led invasion, Redouane was injured during the bombing of Jalalabad, and Younis “went to find [his] wife in Pakistan while his brother was laid up because of his injuries.” He reportedly “stayed in an unidentified Afghan’s house for approximately 27 days and was eventually taken to a hospital in Jalalabad, where he was treated for a broken elbow and head wounds.” There he was seized by Northern Alliance soldiers “and taken to a prison in Kabul, where he was incarcerated for approximately one month,” and was then handed over — or sold — to US forces.<br />
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He was flown to Guantánamo on April 30, 2002, “because of his knowledge and involvement with the MIFG and the links between family members (Abu Ahmad) and their actions with the MIFG,” according to the reasons for his transfer that were grafted onto his case after the fact, but it remains unclear whether there is any truth to the US authorities’ claims that either of the Chekhouri brothers were involved with the MIFG, aka the Moroccan Islamic Combatant Group or, in French, Groupe Islamique Combattant Marocain (GICM).<br />
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On his return to Morocco, Redouane Chekhouri (along with the other ex-prisoners released with him) was put on trial on charges related to terrorism, in a process that involved numerous delays and that concluded in 2007 with his acquittal, which suggests that, in his case, there was no evidence that he was involved with the GICM, even though, in his assessment at Guantánamo, the Joint Task Force stated that he was “claimed by the Moroccan government to be a member of the MIFG,” and that, in addition, “His brother has admitted to being the former military head of the MIFG, and Abu Ahmad has been identified through sensitive information as a member of the MIFG,” and one of [his] other brothers is currently in custody in Italy on charges of recruiting fighters for the Al-Qaida network.”<br />
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Emdash Abdullah Turkash (ISN 500, Turkmenistan) Released March 2004<br />
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Born in 1935, and therefore 66 years old at the time of his capture, Turkash, who is an Afghan national, and not from Turkmenistan, as claimed in the Pentagon’s records, was assessed on August 16, 2003, when it was stated that he had “been diagnosed with treatable active Tuberculosis and Hepatitis C but [was] otherwise in good health.” It was also stated that he claimed that he was seized by Afghan police in January 2002, in a village in Afghanistan, “because he admitted to being able to speak Arabic.” In addition, it was stated that Turkash claimed that he was “not captured with weapons, equipment, money, passports or documents and that he [was] only a simple ’street person,’ selling honey and fruits on the street.” He was turned over to US forces in Bagram, and the spurious reason given for his transfer to Guantánamo on January 28, 2002 was because of his “suspected knowledge of Arab activities associated with the Taliban regime.”<br />
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This was a thin basis for suspicion, and what happened afterwards seemed only to confirm that Guantánamo existed primarily to create reasons for detaining people who had been sent there not for any specific reason, but only because they had somehow ended up in US custody. Turkash was assessed as never having been “forthright or fully cooperative,” but, in what appeared to be a quietly desperate quest for information, the “[t]ransfer team analysed detainee information and concluded that [he] had knowledge of extremist activities in Saudi Arabia and was deported from SA, along with his entire family because of his family connections to Islamic extremism.” Turkash denied this, acknowledging that he had lived in Saudi Arabia “for over 55 years,” but denying “knowledge of extremist activities.”<br />
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It was, moreover, claimed, without much confidence, that he “may have son’s [sic] who are Al-Qaida members and one son may be identifiable with a senior Al-Qaida leader in Chechnya,” and, in conclusion, the Joint Task Force assessed him as “having knowledge of extremist personalities connected to AI-Qaida and may have a son who is an Al-Qaida commander,” even though, in a crucial passage, it was noted that, “Despite repeated efforts to ascertain any information concerning this detainee from the Saudi government, none has been provided and therefore no evidence exists to support this detainee’s continued detention in Guantánamo Bay.”<br />
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As a result, he was assessed as being “of low intelligence value to the United States at this time,” and of posing “a medium threat risk to the US, its interests and allies because of his potential connections to Al-Qaida members,” and Maj. Gen. Miller recommended that he be “considered for transfer to the control of another government for continued detention,” with the Task Force’s additional suggestion that, “During detention and additional interrogation in Afghanistan, sources not available now may be available in the future to provide additional intelligence” about him.<br />
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Aminulla Amin (ISN 504, Pakistan) Released September 2004<br />
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He was born “in approximately 1973,” according to his assessment on July 9, 2003, in which it was stated that his name was Amin Allah Amin, and that he had been “diagnosed with latent tuberculosis and chronic active Hepatitis B,” even though it was also claimed that he was “otherwise in good health.” In addition, the Joint Task Force claimed that, although he was reportedly born in Chaman, Pakistan, “new information states he might have been born in Saudi Arabia or Yemen.”<br />
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This, in fact, seem to be a clear example of how, in their desire to justify who was being held at Guantánamo, the authorities ended up clutching wildly at implausible straws. Amin himself stated that he had been seized by agents of Pakistan’s Inter Services Intelligence directorate (the notorious ISI), while “standing and talking in front of a sidewalk cafe” in the border town of Chaman on December 20, 2001. “Someone,” the report continues, “identified [him] as a possible Taliban affiliate while he claims he was just a teacher,” deliberately misidentified by an “unknown person” who “held a grudge against him or his tribe.” In addition, he explained that he “could have bought his release by paying 100,000 Rupees (about US $1,670)” to ISI officials, which was “how many Taliban bought their release,” because “it was common knowledge that the ISI solicited and accepted bribes from prisoners.”<br />
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This whole scenario provides a perfectly plausible explanation for how Amin ended up at Guantánamo (as well as a startling insight into the everyday corruption of the ISI), and the spurious reasons for his transfer to Guantánamo on May 2, 2002 were that he had “knowledge of specific information regarding residences and the possible hiding locations of former Taliban officials in Chaman.” As a result, Maj. Gen. Miller recommended him for release or transfer on December 14, 2002, but by the time of this assessment, seven months later, he had been “identified through a sensitive source as being a Saudi national and a known Tier-II member of Al-Qaida” (which was nonsense), and had also been “‘recognized’ by an associate affiliated with Al-Qaeda,” who, nevertheless (and this should have set alarm bells ringing), “did not know his name or any further information concerning” him.<br />
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In a third piece of supposed evidence contradicting Amin’s story, a Sudanese prisoner seized after the Qala-i-Janghi massacre in northern Afghanistan in November 2001 said that Amin was “a person he recognised from the prison in Kandahar.” According to the Joint Task Force, this claim “potentially places the detainee in Afghanistan during the later days of the campaign against the Taliban and calls into question the detainee’s statements and credibility,” even though, to anyone with a modicum of skepticism, it did no such thing, and merely demonstrated instead what happens when prisoners are randomly prevailed upon to tell stories about people whose photographs they are shown while being interrogated in sessions in which the threat of violence is ever present.<br />
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In spite of these obvious caveats, Amin was reassessed as “affiliated with Al-Qaida” and “a serious threat to the United States,” who “should be detained for further intelligence purposes,” and it was also stated that he “possesses a high confirmed threat to the US, its interests and its allies.” It took around a year for someone in authority to realise that he was not a Saudi, and that all of the above was nonsense, leading to his release in September 2004.<br />
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Sultan Mohammed (ISN 517, Afghanistan) Released May 2003<br />
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Born in 1977, he was described, in his assessment on January 18, 2003, as Sulran Mohamed, from Helmand province, and it was also noted that, as well as having latent tuberculosis, in common with the majority of the Afghan prisoners, he also had “frequent migraine headaches, and suffer[ed] from partial hearing loss due to loud explosions in the war.” In terms of justifying his detention, it was stated that, in October 2001, while he was traveling to purchase medicine, “several Taliban soldiers forcibly conscripted him into Taliban service, claiming that he would be allowed to leave with pay after serving three months.” He was then taken to a combat position in Baghlan province, where he remained until his capture two months later, and where it was noted that, “Although he did receive limited weapons training along with other conscripts, his duties primarily consisted of posting guard and repairing meals.” He was captured after fleeing with his group, and the spurious reason for sending him to Guantánamo, on January 11, 2002 (the day the prison opened), was because of his supposed knowledge of various Taliban figures, including the mayor of his region, and his commander in the field.<br />
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In its assessment, the Joint Task Force stated that it “consider[ed] the information obtained from and about him as not valuable or tactically exploitable,” and added, “Based on current information, detainee [517] is assessed as neither affiliated with Al-Qaida nor as being a Taliban leader. Moreover … the detainee has no further intelligence value to the United States and will not be seen for further intelligence purposes. [He] has not expressed thoughts of violence nor made threats toward the US or its allies during interrogations or in the course of his detention. Based on the above, detainee does not pose a future threat to the US or US interests.” As a result, Maj. Gen. Miller recommended that he be “considered for release or transfer to the control of another government.”<br />
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Khirullah Akah (ISN 518, Afghanistan) Released November 2003<br />
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Born in 1977 and described, in his assessment on June 21, 2003, as Khir Ullah, he was apparently “a poppy farmer prior to being selected as one of several young men chosen by his village elder to serve in the Taliban” in the fall of 1999. As a conscript, he was “required to serve for three months of the year for three successive years,” and in his third year, when he was captured en route from Baghlan to Kabul, like Sultan Mohammed, above, he apparently “served as a recruiter,” who “recruited and was in charge of a squad of 13 people to fight with him.” The spurious reason given for his transfer to Guantánamo, on May 2, 2002, was “because of his knowledge of Taliban facilities in Kandahar, Taliban fighters in Baghlan, and the Taliban leadership in the Baghlan and Balkh regions.”<br />
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In its assessment, the Joint Task Force stated that it “consider[ed] the information obtained from and about him as not valuable or tactically exploitable,” and added, “Based on current information, detainee [518] is assessed as being neither affiliated with Al-Qaida nor a Taliban leader. Moreover … the detainee has no further intelligence value to the United States and will not be seen for further intelligence purposes. [He] has not expressed thoughts of violence nor made threats toward the US or its allies during interrogations or in the course of his detention. Based on the above, detainee poses a low threat to the US or US interests.” As a result, Maj. Gen. Miller recommended that he be “considered for release or transfer to the control of another government.”<br />
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Abdul Karim (ISN 520, Afghanistan) Released May 2003<br />
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Born in 1982, it was noted, in his assessment on September 3, 2002, that he claimed that Taliban members “forcibly took him” from his village “for a three-month conscription period,” and that, on November 13, 2001, “when Kunduz and Mazar-e-Sharif were being captured by the Northern Alliance, his two masters transported [him] to Kabul, where they were subsequently captured by Northern Alliance forces.” Later transferred to US forces, he arrived in Guantánamo on June 12, 2002, on the spurious basis of “his possible knowledge of a Taliban facility in Pol-e-Khumri,” in Baghlan province.<br />
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In its assessment, the Joint Task Force stated that it “consider[ed] the information obtained from and about him as not valuable or tactically exploitable,” and added, “Based on current information, detainee [520] is assessed as not affiliated with Al-Qaida and was not being a Taliban leader [sic]. Moreover … the detainee has no further intelligence value to the United States and will not be seen for further intelligence purposes. [B]ased upon all of the foregoing, and the fact that [he] has not expressed thoughts of violence nor made threats toward the US or its allies during interrogations, or in the course of his detention. he is not considered a threat to the US or US interests.” As a result, Maj. Gen. Michael Dunlavey recommended that he be “considered for release or transfer to the control of another government.”<br />
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Ataullah Adam Gul (ISN 525, Afghanistan) Released March 2004<br />
<br />
Born in 1983 and described, in his assessment on November 12, 2003, as Towala Alam Gul, he told his interrogators that he was an Afghan who had “moved to Pakistan to study religion, with his family’s blessing and support,” and had “spent three years near Quetta, studying at different mosques.” After 9/11, amid “rumors that the Taliban would be attacked by the United States,” he apparently traveled by car to Afghanistan with five other people, was captured near Kandahar and taken to Nahrin, in Baghlan province, where, in his words, he “volunteered” to fight with the Taliban, although he also claimed that, after two months’ training, he ” was allowed to go to a bazaar late at night in Nahrin, where he decided to escape, and head for home.” According to his account, however, he was recaptured and sent back to Nahrin, where “he was whipped and told that his punishment would be much harsher if he tried to leave again.”<br />
<br />
After resuming his duties, which apparently consisted of working as a guard, he was taken by truck towards Kabul, as American bombers attacked, but was captured by Northern Alliance forces, who “held him in custody for two months before handing him over to American forces.” He arrived in Guantánamo on June 15, 2002 (although it was listed as 2003).<br />
<br />
In its assessment, the Joint Task Force stated that he was “assessed as not being a member of Al-Qaida or a Taliban leader. Moreover … the detainee is of no intelligence value to the United States [and] poses a low threat to the US or US interests.” As a result, Maj. Gen. Miller recommended that he be “considered for release or transfer to the control of another government for continued detention.”<br />
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Parts Four and Five To Follow<br />
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<a href="http://wikileaks.ch/The-Unknown-Prisoners-of,102.html">the unknown prisoners</a>Michael Moorehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13739217039402627922noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9027086726167206959.post-26401541206993982532011-05-11T19:54:00.000-07:002011-05-13T13:28:20.856-07:00Assange Awarded Sydney Peace Prize.<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj-BGoMOej0Xc0YBpWZbagcspBzmlcAGrnwlbXLS8VVLxkMjnhSQHsM1qblDCBTDWCtRF0dFkoDFBtwYWfoKK7FMAi2q7VcO1_uEs7voR89Bi-fCB76Iw0LXd1-6NievZKjsH7chfrW1eI/s1600/Sydney-Peace-Prize-2007.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear:left; float:left;margin-right:1em; margin-bottom:1em"><img border="0" height="300" width="199" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj-BGoMOej0Xc0YBpWZbagcspBzmlcAGrnwlbXLS8VVLxkMjnhSQHsM1qblDCBTDWCtRF0dFkoDFBtwYWfoKK7FMAi2q7VcO1_uEs7voR89Bi-fCB76Iw0LXd1-6NievZKjsH7chfrW1eI/s320/Sydney-Peace-Prize-2007.jpg" /></a></div>It seems the Sydney Peace Prize is more significant these days than the Noble Peace Prize. Whereas the Nobel Peace Prize is awarded to a President who does little other than break promises and further war in the name of 'peace', the Sydney Peace Prize is awarded for "exceptional courage in pursuit of human rights." Something the aforesaid President ias unlikely to get.<br />
<br />
The founder of Wikileaks, Julian Assange, is the latest recipient for this price for the very same, "exceptional courage in pursuit of human rights".<br />
<br />
Assange received the gold medal in London on 10 May. Previous recipients of the medal have included the Dalai Lama and Nelson Mandela so he is in good company there.<br />
<br />
"For 14 years we’ve awarded the Sydney Peace Prize, but only on three occasions in 14 years have made an exception to the rule and awarded a gold medal for ‘exceptional courage in pursuit of human rights,'” Sydney Peace Foundation director, Stuart Rees, said at the event according to a report from London's Frontline Club.<br />
<br />
"By challenging centuries-old practices of government secrecy and by championing people's right to know, WikiLeaks and Julian Assange have created the potential for a new order in journalism and in the free flow of information," Rees said in a statement issued by the foundation.<br />
<br />
"Instead of demonising an Australian citizen who has broken no law, the Australian Government must stop shoring up Washington's efforts to behave like a totalitarian state. The treatment of alleged whistleblower Bradley Manning confirms a US administration at odds with their commitment to universal human rights and intent on militaristic bullying."Michael Moorehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13739217039402627922noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9027086726167206959.post-80411366216461044132011-05-08T16:09:00.000-07:002011-05-08T16:13:39.073-07:00Private Bradley Manning's AddressYou can write letters of suppport to Private Bradley manning at the following address:<br />
<br />
Bradley Manning 89289<br />
830 Sabalu Road<br />
Fort Leavenworth, KS 66027<br />
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Any letters contain any of the following will be rejected:<br />
<br />
Solicitations for gambling/lottery, business or pen pal correspondence.<br />
Blackmail, threats or indecent subject matter<br />
Plans or plots for escape<br />
CodesMichael Moorehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13739217039402627922noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9027086726167206959.post-15020264219176736952011-05-05T19:37:00.000-07:002011-05-05T19:38:24.661-07:00Bradley moved to avoid writ?Fronm: <a href="http://www.theregister.co.uk/2011/05/05/manning_leavenworth_marines_bad_says_lawyer/">The Register</a>.<br />
<br />
'We'll do what we like', Marines reportedly told doc<br />
By Lewis Page • Get more from this author<br />
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Imprisoned US soldier Private Bradley Manning, who is charged with leaking huge amounts of classified data from military computer systems, is now under a much less severe confinement regime.<br />
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Manning's lawyer, David Coombs (a former Army judge and reserve Lieutenant-Colonel) reports in a recent blog post that his client's move from the US Marine jail at Quantico, Virginia (known as the "brig" in accordance with the Marines' nautical traditions) to the main US Army prison at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, has resulted in a considerable improvement in quality of life.<br />
<br />
At Quantico, Manning was held in solitary in his cell for 23 hours each day, had very limited access to reading material, was frequently awakened at night and compelled to strip before going to bed.<br />
<br />
By contrast at Leavenworth he has a window giving natural light, a more comfortable cell with a desk, reading materials, pen and paper etc, and doesn't have his clothing taken away at night. He is confined to his cell for nine hours only at night, having access to a common area used by other pre-trial detainees for the rest of the day where there is a TV and an exercise treadmill. Manning and the other pre-trial inmates eat their meals in a cafeteria and get a two-hour outdoor exercise break. There is also access to a library and an indoor rec area.<br />
<br />
Manning is also allowed to receive mail at Leavenworth: Coombs gives the address.<br />
<br />
According to Coombs, the move to Leavenworth may have been motivated by intransigence on the part of Marine commanders at Quantico regarding their decisions to put Manning under maximum-security confinement and to deem him a personal-injury/suicide risk. These decisions together made his imprisonment in the brig much more arduous than it would otherwise have been.<br />
<br />
Coombs writes:<br />
<br />
The defense recently received reliable reports of a private meeting ... involving high-level Quantico officials where it was ordered that PFC Manning would remain in maximum custody and under prevention of injury watch indefinitely ... When challenged by a Brig psychiatrist present at the meeting that there was no mental health justification for the decision, the senior Quantico official issuing the order responded, "We will do whatever we want to do".<br />
<br />
Coombs says he was in the process of preparing a writ of habeas corpus seeking a court ruling that the Marines' confinement regime violated Manning's rights to due process. He planned to cite a previous case in which the Marine Corps had illegally used maximum-security custody as a form of punishment.<br />
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Coombs suggests that the move to Leavenworth was motivated by a desire to avoid this writ.<br />
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"The news of the move came as a surprise to the defense [but] the timing did not," he writes, adding that he intends "to pursue redress at the appropriate time for the flagrant violations of [Manning's] constitutional rights by the Quantico confinement facility".<br />
<br />
It's widely believed that the files Manning is accused of leaking were passed to the WikiLeaks website – in fact that they have made up almost all the site's interesting material in recent times (Iraq and Afghan "war logs", secret diplomatic cable trove, Baghdad gunship vids). However it appears that US investigators are having difficulty establishing court-worthy proof of this – which would be necessary to make a case against WikiLeaks for espionage – and thus far no US legal moves have been made against WikiLeaks or its colourful chief Julian Assange.<br />
<br />
At the moment Assange remains on bail in the UK facing extradition to Sweden, where prosecutors want to question him regarding accusations of sexual offences made by women there.<br />
<br />
Copyright <a href="http://search.theregister.co.uk/?author=Lewis%20Page">Lewis Page</a>Michael Moorehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13739217039402627922noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9027086726167206959.post-65453577833277302552011-04-25T17:13:00.000-07:002011-04-25T17:13:41.372-07:00President Obama Makes a Fair Trial of Bradley Manning Impossible By Declaring Him GuiltyFrom Michael Moore's Page.<br />
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<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjy87R0OJH2zLC1L58zloczBKka6wBTsSg77tlvbBdjFOGo0d9wb_GCPWsBO-w3h7fcK3OI4Rj6F38fCXrYESAqiIYuDc13lIihQIB_o9UGqYF4EfzPB5ldsHFH12go2Hwp8SIVes13XCM/s1600/zeese_1.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear:right; float:left;margin-right:1em; margin-bottom:1em"><img border="0" height="160" width="160" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjy87R0OJH2zLC1L58zloczBKka6wBTsSg77tlvbBdjFOGo0d9wb_GCPWsBO-w3h7fcK3OI4Rj6F38fCXrYESAqiIYuDc13lIihQIB_o9UGqYF4EfzPB5ldsHFH12go2Hwp8SIVes13XCM/s320/zeese_1.jpg" /></a></div>By Kevin Zeese<br />
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Kevin Zeese is an attorney. He directs the anti-war group Come Home America and serves on the steering committee of the Bradley Manning Support Network.<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
"The credibility of the military justice system is being undermined by the prosecution of Bradley Manning. His abusive punishment without trial violates his due process rights; his harsh treatment in solitary confinement-torture conditions violates the prohibition against cruel and unusual punishment; and now the commander-in-chief has announced his guilt before trial making a fair trial impossible. A Bradley Manning exception to the Bill of Rights is developing as the Obama administration seeks Manning’s punishment no matter what constitutional protections they violate.<br />
<br />
On Thursday April 21, 2011 in San Francisco a group of Bradley Manning supporters protested the prosecution of Manning at a Barack Obama fundraising event. One of Manning’s supporters was able to question the president directly afterwards and during the conversation, Obama said on videotape that Manning was guilty.<br />
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Can you imagine if the Supreme Leader of Iran, Ayatollah Khamene’i, pronounced an Iranian military whistle blower “guilty” before any trial was held? Khamene’i is the commander-in-chief of all armed forces in Iran, just as President Obama is the commander-in-chief of the U.S. armed services. Would anyone in the United States think that a trial before Iranian military officers that followed such a pronouncement could be fair? The U.S. government would use the situation to make propaganda points about the phony justice system in Iran.<br />
<br />
President Obama’s pronouncement about Manning, “He broke the law,” amounts to unlawful command influence – something prohibited in military trials because it is devastating to the military justice system. Manning will be judged by a jury of military officers in a military court where everyone involved follows the orders of the commander-in-chief. How are these officers going to rule against their commander-in-chief, especially after Manning has been tortured in solitary confinement for almost a year? Any officer who finds Manning “not guilty” will have no chance of advancing his career after doing so.<br />
<br />
Article 37 of the Uniform Code of Military Justice makes undue command influence unlawful. Unlawful Command Influence has been called “the carcinoma of the military justice system” and is often described as “the mortal enemy of military justice.” The importance of the command structure in the military makes command influence a threat to fair trails, i.e. “because the inherent power and influence of command are necessary and omnipresent facets of military life, everyone involved in both unit command and in military justice must exercise constant vigilance to protect against command influence becoming unlawful.”<br />
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Accordingly, “Unlawful Command Influence occurs when senior personnel, wittingly or unwittingly, have acted to influence court members, witnesses, or others participating in military justice cases. Such unlawful influence not only jeopardizes the validity of the judicial process, it undermines the morale of military members, their respect for the chain of command, and public confidence in the military.” Further, even: “The ‘appearance of unlawful command influence is as devastating to the military justice system as the actual manipulation of any given trial.’” The commander-in-chief announcing guilt before trial is an unprecedented case of unlawful command influence.<br />
<br />
When unlawful command influence occurs a heavy burden is put on the prosecution to “prove beyond a reasonable doubt that: (1) the facts upon which the unlawful command influence is based are untrue; (2) those facts do not constitute unlawful command influence; or (3) the unlawful command influence will not affect the proceedings.” Since President Obama is on videotape announcing the finding of guilt it will be impossible to prove either of the first two points. To prove the third point will require the court to enter into a charade where officers claim they are not influenced by the commander-in-chief. In reality, the president announcing the guilt of Manning before he is tried will influence every officer who wants to continue to advance in his or her career. And, since Manning has already been punished severely before trial officers will be even less likely to find Manning not guilty because that would raise questions about his abusive treatment.<br />
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Military case law indicates that “pretrial publicity itself may constitute unlawful command influence.” When the president speaks it results in national media attention (see a google search for “Obama Manning guilty” produced 1.5 million stories by April 24th). Of course, the president’s statement of Manning’s guilt was not the only pre-trial publicity in Manning’s case. In addition, the brutal treatment Manning has received during pre-trial detention has also received widespread media attention. The combination of this mistreatment and the president’s statements shows that the military from the Quantico command to the commander-in-chief saw Manning as guilty and wanted him punished harshly.<br />
<br />
Military courts have held over and over that if unlawful command influence is proven then dismissal of the case is appropriate. (See United States v. Douglas, 68 M.J. 349 (2010) and the cases cited therein.) “[D]ismissal of charges is appropriate when an accused would be prejudiced or no useful purpose would be served by continuing the proceedings.” There is no question Manning has been prejudiced and it is hard to imagine how the proceedings can be cleansed of this unlawful command influence so there is no useful purpose in continuing.<br />
<br />
The White House made an inept attempt to try and change the obvious meaning of the president’s statement. Politico reports: “White House spokesman Tommy Vietor said Obama was in fact making a general statement that did not go specifically to the charges against Manning. ‘The president was emphasizing that, in general, the unauthorized release of classified information is not a lawful act,’ he said Friday night. ‘He was not expressing a view as to the guilt or innocence of Pfc. Manning specifically.’” This clarification is inept because Obama was quite specific in his comments saying: “He broke the law.”<br />
<br />
Unlawful command influence causes “exceptional harm . . . to the fairness and public perception of military justice when it does arise” This harm is magnified in the case of Bradley Manning because of the severe mistreatment he has received in Quantico before even being tried. This is a case where punishment in Quantico and a finding of guilt by the commander-in-chief both came before trial. The sooner this prosecution ends the less damage that will be done to the reputation of the military justice system."Michael Moorehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13739217039402627922noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9027086726167206959.post-17244159671330429582011-04-11T21:20:00.000-07:002011-04-11T21:20:16.381-07:00Obama’s constitutional law professor joins group calling Manning’s treatment illegal<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgnu-jb5CKARE8IopMpDE_O61yDmtzpTkSwFHZzrI1qAYFKIi2nXtithBZaKOgPMj5AfPTEq1zcxnipIkEIJASUaCvcIuf6fsOfYoWoS3i6MTEbq8PkpMCtReT-8zy5xrlD2MISHNiedNg/s1600/bradleymanning-225.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear:left; float:left;margin-right:1em; margin-bottom:1em"><img border="0" height="176" width="232" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgnu-jb5CKARE8IopMpDE_O61yDmtzpTkSwFHZzrI1qAYFKIi2nXtithBZaKOgPMj5AfPTEq1zcxnipIkEIJASUaCvcIuf6fsOfYoWoS3i6MTEbq8PkpMCtReT-8zy5xrlD2MISHNiedNg/s320/bradleymanning-225.jpg" /></a></div>Nearly 300 experts, scholars and authors demand an end to Manning's rough treatment<br />
<br />
The Harvard professor who taught President Barack Obama about America's founding document has added his name to a letter damning the treatment of U.S. Army Private Bradley Manning, the lone soldier accused of leaking a vast number of government secrets to anti-secrecy website WikiLeaks.<br />
<br />
Harvard Constitutional law professor Laurence Tribe, who quit his post as an adviser to the Obama administration about three months ago, is just one of nearly 300 of the nation's top legal minds and other experts to sign an open letter calling on the government to treat Bradley Manning as it does other prisoners.<br />
<br />
Manning has been held in solitary confinement in the Quantico military brig since July. He gets one hour of exercise per-day, must be checked by guards every five minutes and is forced to sleep naked and undergo a nude inspection every morning. Critics of this treatment say it amounts to torture and an illegal punishment for an American who has not been convicted of a crime.<br />
<br />
Tribe wrote that Manning's treatment "violates his person and his liberty without due process of law and in the way it administers cruel and unusual punishment of a sort that cannot be constitutionally inflicted even upon someone convicted of terrible offenses, not to mention someone merely accused of such offenses".<br />
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"Private Manning has been designated as an appropriate subject for both Maximum Security and Prevention of Injury (POI) detention," the open letter explained. "But he asserts that his administrative reports consistently describe him as a well-behaved prisoner who does not fit the requirements for Maximum Security detention. The brig psychiatrist began recommending his removal from Prevention of Injury months ago. These claims have not been publicly contested. In an Orwellian twist, the spokesman for the brig commander refused to explain the forced nudity “because to discuss the details would be a violation of Manning’s privacy.”<br />
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The letter also cites former U.S. State Dept. spokesman P.J. Crowley, who called the treatment of Manning "counterproductive and stupid," suggesting it may make prosecuting the soldier even more difficult. Crowley resigned his post after criticizing the administration's handling of the case.<br />
<br />
"If Manning is guilty of a crime, let him be tried, convicted, and punished according to law," the open letter continues. "But his treatment must be consistent with the Constitution and the Bill of Rights. There is no excuse for his degrading and inhumane pretrial punishment."<br />
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The document was authored by Bruce Ackerman, of Yale Law School, and Yochai Benkler, of Harvard Law School. It had 295 co-signers at the time of this story's publication.<br />
<br />
The full letter and list of distinguished signatories appears below. It was first published by The New York Review of Books.<br />
<br />
####<br />
<br />
Private Manning’s Humiliation<br />
<br />
Bradley Manning is the soldier charged with leaking US government documents to Wikileaks. He is currently detained under degrading and inhumane conditions that are illegal and immoral.<br />
<br />
For nine months, Manning has been confined to his cell for twenty-three hours a day. During his one remaining hour, he can walk in circles in another room, with no other prisoners present. He is not allowed to doze off or relax during the day, but must answer the question “Are you OK?” verbally and in the affirmative every five minutes. At night, he is awakened to be asked again “Are you OK?” every time he turns his back to the cell door or covers his head with a blanket so that the guards cannot see his face. During the past week he was forced to sleep naked and stand naked for inspection in front of his cell, and for the indefinite future must remove his clothes and wear a “smock” under claims of risk to himself that he disputes.<br />
<br />
The sum of the treatment that has been widely reported is a violation of the Eighth Amendment’s prohibition of cruel and unusual punishment and the Fifth Amendment’s guarantee against punishment without trial. If continued, it may well amount to a violation of the criminal statute against torture, defined as, among other things, “the administration or application…of… procedures calculated to disrupt profoundly the senses or the personality.”<br />
<br />
Private Manning has been designated as an appropriate subject for both Maximum Security and Prevention of Injury (POI) detention. But he asserts that his administrative reports consistently describe him as a well-behaved prisoner who does not fit the requirements for Maximum Security detention. The brig psychiatrist began recommending his removal from Prevention of Injury months ago. These claims have not been publicly contested. In an Orwellian twist, the spokesman for the brig commander refused to explain the forced nudity “because to discuss the details would be a violation of Manning’s privacy.”<br />
<br />
The administration has provided no evidence that Manning’s treatment reflects a concern for his own safety or that of other inmates. Unless and until it does so, there is only one reasonable inference: this pattern of degrading treatment aims either to deter future whistleblowers, or to force Manning to implicate Wikileaks founder Julian Assange in a conspiracy, or both.<br />
<br />
If Manning is guilty of a crime, let him be tried, convicted, and punished according to law. But his treatment must be consistent with the Constitution and the Bill of Rights. There is no excuse for his degrading and inhumane pretrial punishment. As the State Department’s P.J. Crowley put it recently, they are “counterproductive and stupid.” And yet Crowley has now been forced to resign for speaking the plain truth.<br />
<br />
The Wikileaks disclosures have touched every corner of the world. Now the whole world watches America and observes what it does, not what it says.<br />
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President Obama was once a professor of constitutional law, and entered the national stage as an eloquent moral leader. The question now, however, is whether his conduct as commander in chief meets fundamental standards of decency. He should not merely assert that Manning’s confinement is “appropriate and meet[s] our basic standards,” as he did recently. He should require the Pentagon publicly to document the grounds for its extraordinary actions—and immediately end those that cannot withstand the light of day.<br />
<br />
Signed:<br />
<br />
Bruce Ackerman, Yale Law School<br />
Yochai Benkler, Harvard Law School<br />
<br />
Additional Signatories (institutional affiliation, for identification purposes only):<br />
<br />
Jack Balkin, Yale Law School<br />
Richard L. Abel, UCLA Law<br />
David Abrams, Harvard Law School<br />
Martha Ackelsberg, Smith College<br />
Julia Adams, Sociology, Yale University<br />
Kirsten Ainley, London School of Economics<br />
Jeffrey Alexander, Yale University<br />
Philip Alston, NYU School of Law<br />
Anne Alstott, Harvard Law School<br />
Elizabeth Anderson, Philosophy and Women's Studies, University of Michigan<br />
Kevin Anderson, University of California<br />
Scott Anderson, Philosophy, University of British Columbia<br />
Claudia Angelos, NYU School of Law<br />
Donald K. Anton. Australian National University College of Law<br />
Joyce Appleby, History, UCLA<br />
Kwame Anthony Appiah, Princeton University<br />
Stanley Aronowitz, Sociology, CUNY Graduate Center<br />
Jean Maria Arrigo, PhD, social psychologist, Project on Ethics and Art in Testimony<br />
Reuven Avi-Yonah, University of Michigan Law<br />
H. Robert Baker, Georgia State University<br />
Katherine Beckett, University of Washington<br />
Duncan Bell, Politics and International Studies, University of Cambridge<br />
Steve Berenson, Thomas Jefferson School of Law<br />
Michael Bertrand, UNC Chapel Hill<br />
Christoph Bezemek, Public Law, Vienna University of Economics and Business<br />
Michael J. Bosia, Political Science, Saint Michael's College<br />
Bret Boyce, University of Detroit Mercy School of Law<br />
Rebecca M. Bratspies, CUNY School of Law<br />
Jason Brennan, Philosophy, Brown University<br />
Talbot Brewer, Philosophy, University of Virginia<br />
John Bronsteen, Loyola University Chicago<br />
Peter Brooks, Princeton University<br />
James Robert Brown, University of Toronto<br />
Sande L. Buhai,Loyola Law School, Los Angeles<br />
Ahmed I Bulbulia, Seton Hall Law School<br />
Susannah Camic, University of Wisconsin Law School<br />
Lauren Carasik, Western New England College School of Law<br />
Teri L. Caraway, University of Minnesota<br />
Alexander M. Capron, University of Southern California, Gould School of Law<br />
Michael W. Carroll, Law American University<br />
Marshall Carter-Tripp, Ph.D, Foreign Service Officer, retired<br />
Jonathan Chausovsky, Political Science, SUNY-Fredonia<br />
Carol Chomsky, University of Minnesota Law School<br />
John Clippinger, Berkman Center for Internet and Society<br />
Andrew Jason Cohen, Georgia State University<br />
Lizabeth Cohen, Harvard University<br />
Marjorie Cohn, Thomas Jefferson School of Law<br />
Doug Colbert, Maryland School of Law<br />
Sheila Collins, William Paterson University<br />
Nancy Combs, William& Mary Law School<br />
Stephen A. Conrad, Indiana University Mauer School of Law<br />
Steve Cook, Philosophy, Utica College<br />
Robert Crawford,Arts and Sciences, University of Washington<br />
Thomas P. Crocker, University of South Carolina<br />
Jennifer Curtin, UCI School of Medicine<br />
Deryl D. Dantzler, Walter F. Gorge School of Law of Mercer University<br />
Benjamin G. Davis, University of Toledo College of Law<br />
Rochelle Davis, School of Foreign Service, Georgetown University<br />
Wolfgang Deckers, Richmond University, London<br />
Michelle M. Dempsey, Villanova University School of Law<br />
Wai Chee Dimock, English, Yale University<br />
Sinan Dogramaci, Philosophy, University of Texas at Austin<br />
Zayd Dohrn, Northwestern University<br />
Jason P. Dominguez, Texas Southern University<br />
Judith Donath, Fellow, Berkman Center for Internet and Society<br />
Norman Dorsen, New York University School of Law<br />
Michael W. Doyle, International Affairs, Law and Political Science, Columbia<br />
Bruce T. Draine, Astrophysics, Princeton University<br />
Jay Driskell,History, Hood College<br />
Michael C. Duff, University of Wyoming College of Law<br />
Lisa Duggan, Social and Cultural Analysis, NYU<br />
Cynthia Fuchs Epstein, Graduate Center,CUNY<br />
Stephen M. Engel, PhD, Political Science, Marquette University<br />
Simon Evnine, Philosophy, University of Miami<br />
Mark Fenster, Levin College of Law, University of Florida<br />
Martha Field, Harvard Law School<br />
Justin Fisher, Philosophy, Southern Methodist University<br />
William Fisher, Harvard Law School<br />
Joseph Fishkin, University of Texas School of Law<br />
Mark Fishman, Sociology, Brooklyn College<br />
Martin S. Flaherty, Fordham Law School<br />
George P. Fletcher, Columbia University, School of Law<br />
John Flood, Law and Sociology, University of Westminster<br />
Michael Forman, University of Washington Tacoma<br />
Bryan Frances, Philosophy, Fordham University<br />
Katherine Franke, Columbia Law School<br />
Nancy Fraser, Philosophy and Politics, New School for Social Research<br />
Eric M. Freedman, Hofstra Law School<br />
Monroe H. Freedman, Hofstra University Law School<br />
Kennan Ferguson, University of Wisconsin, MilWaukee<br />
John R. Fitzpatrick, Philosophy, University of Tennessee/Chattanooga<br />
A. Michael Froomkin, University of Miami School of Law<br />
Gerald Frug, Harvard Law School<br />
Louis Furmanski, University of Central Oklahoma<br />
James K. Galbraith, LBJ School of Public Affairs, University of Texas at Austin<br />
Herbert J Gans, Columbia University<br />
William Gardner, Pediatrics, Psychology,& Psychiatry, The Ohio State University<br />
Urs Gasser, Harvard Law School, Berkman Center for Internet and Society<br />
Julius G. Getman, University of Texas Law School<br />
Todd Gitlin, Columbia University<br />
Bob Goodin, Australian National University<br />
Angelina Snodgrass Godoy, Human Rights, University of Washington<br />
David Golove, NYU School of Law<br />
James R. Goetsch Jr., Philosophy, Eckerd College<br />
Thomas Gokey, Art and Information Studies, Syracuse University<br />
Robert W. Gordon, Yale Law School<br />
Stephen E. Gottlieb, Albany Law School<br />
Mark A. Graber, University of Maryland School of Law<br />
Jorie Graham, Harvard University<br />
Roger Green, Pol. Sci. and Pub. Admin., Florida Gulf Coast<br />
Daniel JH Greenwood, Hofstra University School of Law<br />
Christopher L. Griffin, Visiting, Duke Law School<br />
James Grimmelmann, New York Law School<br />
James Gronquist,Charlotte School of Law<br />
Jean Grossholtz, Politics, Mount Holyoke College<br />
Lisa Guenther, Philosophy, Vanderbilt University<br />
Christopher Guzelian, Thomas Jefferson School of Law<br />
Gillian K. Hadfield, Law, Economics, University of Southern California<br />
Jonathan Hafetz, Seton Hall University School of Law<br />
Lisa Hajjar, University of California - Santa Barbara<br />
Susan Hazeldean, Robert M. Cover Fellow, Yale Law School<br />
Dirk t. D. Held, Classics, Connecticut College<br />
Kevin Jon Heller, Melbourne Law School<br />
Lynne Henderson, UNLV--Boyd School of Law (emerita)<br />
Stephen Hetherington, Philosophy, University of New South Wales<br />
Kurt Hochenauer, University of Central Oklahoma<br />
Lonny Hoffman, Univ of Houston Law Center<br />
Michael Hopkins, MHC International Ltd<br />
Nathan Robert Howard, St. Andrews<br />
Marc Morjé Howard, Government, Georgetown University<br />
Kyron Huigens, Cardozo School of Law<br />
Alexandra Huneeus, University of Wisconsin Law School<br />
David Ingram, Philosophy, Loyola University Chicago<br />
David Isenberg, Isen.com<br />
Sheila Jasanoff, Harvard Kennedy School<br />
Christopher Jencks, Harvard Kennedy School<br />
Paula Johnson, Alliant International University<br />
Robert N. Johnson, Philosophy, University of Missouri<br />
Albyn C. Jones, Statistics, Reed College<br />
Lynne Joyrich, Modern Culture and Media, Brown University<br />
David Kairys, Beasley Law School<br />
Eileen Kaufman, Touro Law Center<br />
Kevin B. Kelly, Seton Hall University School of Law<br />
Antti Kauppinen, Philosophy, Trinity College Dublin<br />
Randall Kennedy, Harvard Law School<br />
Daniel Kevles, Yale University<br />
Heidi Kitrosser, University of Minnesota Law School<br />
Gillian R. Knapp, Princeton University<br />
Seth F. Kreimer University of Pennsylvania Law School<br />
Alex Kreit, Thomas Jefferson School of Law<br />
Stefan H. Krieger, Hofstra University School of Law<br />
Mitchell Lasser, Cornell Law School<br />
Mark LeBar, Philosophy, Ohio University<br />
Brian Leiter, University of Chicago<br />
Mary Clare Lennon, Sociology, The Graduate Center, CUNY<br />
George Levine,Rutgers University<br />
Sanford Levinson, University of Texas Law School<br />
Margaret Levi, Pol. Sci., University of Washington and University of Sydney<br />
Tracy Lightcap, Political Science, LaGrange College<br />
Daniel Lipson, Political Science, SUNY New Paltz<br />
Stacy Litz, Drexel University<br />
Fiona de Londras, University College Dublin, Ireland<br />
John Lunstroth, University of Houston Law Center<br />
David Luban, Georgetown University Law Center<br />
Peter Ludlow, Philosophy, Northwestern University<br />
Cecelia Lynch, University of California<br />
David Lyons, Boston University<br />
Colin Maclay, Harvard University, Berkman Center<br />
Joan Mahoney, Emeritus, Wayne State University Law School<br />
Chibli Mallat, Visiting Professor, Harvard Law School<br />
Phil Malone, Harvard Law School<br />
Jane Mansbridge, Harvard Kennedy School<br />
Jeff Manza, Sociology, New York University<br />
Dan Markel, Florida State University<br />
Daniel Markovits, Yale Law School<br />
Richard Markovits, University of Texas Law School<br />
Michael R. Masinter, Nova Southeastern University<br />
Ruth Mason, University of Connecticut School of Law<br />
Rachel A. May, University of South Florida<br />
Jamie Mayerfeld, Political Science, University of Washington<br />
Diane H. Mazur, University of Florida Levin College of Law<br />
Jason Mazzone, Brooklyn Law School<br />
Jeff McMahan, Philosophy, Rutgers University<br />
Richard J. Meagher Jr., Randolph-Macon College<br />
Agustín José Menéndez, Universidad de León and University of Oslo<br />
Hope Metcalf, Yale Law School<br />
Frank I. Michelman, Harvard University<br />
Gary Minda, Brooklyn Law School<br />
John Mikhail, Georgetown University Law Center<br />
Gregg Miller, Political Science, University of Washington<br />
Eben Moglen, Columbia Law School and Software Freedom Law Center<br />
Immanuel Ness, Brooklyn College, City University of New York<br />
Charles Nesson, Harvard University<br />
Joel Ngugi, Law, African Studies, University of Washington<br />
Ralitza Nikolaeva, ISCTE Business School, Lisbon University Institute<br />
John Palfrey, Harvard Law School<br />
James Paradis, Comparative Media Studies, MIT<br />
Emma Perry, London School of Economics and Political Science<br />
Charles Pigden, University of Otago<br />
Adrian du Plessis, Wolfson College, Cambridge University<br />
Patrick S. O'Donnell, Philosophy, Santa Barbara City College<br />
Hans Oberdiek, Philosophy, Swarthmore College<br />
Duane Oldfield, Political Science, Knox College<br />
Michael Paris, Political Science, The College of Staten Island (CUNY)<br />
Philip Pettit, University Professor of Politics and Human Values, Princeton<br />
Frank A. Pasquale, Seton Hall Law School<br />
Matthew Pierce, University of North Carolina<br />
Charles Pigden, Philosophy, University of Otago<br />
Leslie Plachta, MD MPH, Albert Einstein College of Medicine<br />
Thomas Pogge, Yale University<br />
Giovanna Pompele, University of Miami<br />
Joel Pust, Philosophy, University of Delaware<br />
Ulrich K. Preuss, Law& Politics, Hertie School of Governance, Berlin<br />
Margaret Jane Radin, University of Michigan and emerita, Stanford University<br />
Aziz Rana, Cornell University Law School<br />
Gustav Ranis, Yale University<br />
Rahul Rao, School of Oriental& African Studies, University of London<br />
Calair Rasmussen, Affiliation: Political Science, University of Delaware<br />
Daniel Ray, Thomas M. Cooley Law School<br />
Jeff A. Redding, Saint Louis University School of Law<br />
C. D. C. Reeve, Philosophy, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill<br />
Bryan Register, Philosophy, Texas State University<br />
Robert B. Reich, University of California, Berkeley<br />
Cassandra Burke Robertson, Case Western Reserve University School of Law<br />
John A. Robertson, University of Texas Law School<br />
Corey Robin, Brooklyn College and the CUNY Graduate Center<br />
Clarissa Rojas, CSU Long Beach<br />
Kermit Roosevelt, University of Pennsylvania Law School<br />
Susan Rose-Ackerman, Law, Political Science, Yale University<br />
Norm Rosenberg, History, Macalester College<br />
Clifford Rosky, University of Utah<br />
Brad R. Roth, Poli. Sci. and Law, Wayne State University<br />
Barbara Katz Rothman, Sociology, City University of New York<br />
Bo Rothstein Political Science, University of Gothenburg<br />
Laura L. Rovner,University of Denver College of Law<br />
Donald Rutherford,Philosophy, University of California, San Diego<br />
Leonard Rubenstein, JD, Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health<br />
Chester M. Rzadkiewicz, History, University of Louisiana at Lafayette<br />
DeWitt Sage, Flimmaker<br />
Cindy Skach, Comparative Government and Law, Oxford<br />
William J. Talbott, Philosophy, University of Washington<br />
Natsu Taylor Saito, Georgia State University College of Law<br />
Dean Savage, Queens College, Sociology, CUNY<br />
Kent D. Schenkel, New England Law<br />
Kim Scheppele, Princeton Univeristy<br />
Ben Schoenbachler, Psychiatry, University of Louisville<br />
Jeffrey Schnapp, Harvard University<br />
Kenneth Sherrill, Political Science, Hunter College<br />
Claire Snyder-Hall, George Mason University<br />
Jeffrey Selbin, Yale Law School<br />
Wendy Seltzer, Fellow, Princeton Center for Information Technology Policy<br />
Jose M. Sentmanat, Philosophy, Moreno Valley College, California<br />
Omnia El Shakry, History, University of California<br />
Scott Shapiro, Yale University<br />
Stephen Sheehi, Languages, Lit. and Cultures, University of South Carolina<br />
James Silk, Yale Law School<br />
Robert D. Sloane, Boston University School of Law<br />
Ronald C. Slye, Law, Seattle University<br />
Matthew Noah Smith, Philosophy, Yale University<br />
Stephen Samuel Smith, Political Science, Winthrop University<br />
John M. Stewart, Emeritus, Psychology, Northland College<br />
Peter G. Stillman, Vassar College<br />
Alec Stone Sweet, Yale Law School<br />
Robert N. Strassfeld, Case Western Reserve University School of Law<br />
Mateo Taussig-Rubbo, SUNY-Buffalo Law School<br />
Jeanne Theoharis, Brooklyn College of CUNY<br />
Frank Thompson, University of Michigan<br />
Matthew Titolo, West Virginia University College of Law<br />
Massimo de la Torre, University of Hull Law School<br />
John Torpey, CUNY Graduate Center<br />
Vilna Bashi Treitler, Black& Hispanic Studies, Baruch College, City<br />
Laurence H. Tribe, Harvard University<br />
David M. Trubek, University of Wisconsin (emeritus)<br />
Robert L. Tsai, American University, Washington College of Law<br />
Peter Vallentyne, Philosophy, University of Missouri<br />
Joan Vogel, Vermont Law School<br />
Paul Voice, Philosophy, Bennington College<br />
Victor Wallis,Berklee College of Music<br />
David Watkins, Political Science, University of Dayton<br />
Jonathan Weinberg, Wayne State University<br />
Henry Weinstein, Law, Literary Journalism, University of California<br />
Margaret Weir, Political Science,University of California, Berkeley<br />
Christina E. Wells, University of Missouri School of Law<br />
Danielle Wenner, Rice University<br />
Bryan H. Wildenthal, Thomas Jefferson School of Law<br />
Langdon Winner,Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute<br />
Naomi Wolf, author<br />
Lauris Wren, Hofstra Law School<br />
Elizabeth Wurtzel, Attorney and author<br />
Betty Yorburg, Emerita, City University of New York<br />
Benjamin S. Yost, Philosophy, Providence College<br />
Jonathan Zasloff, UCLA School of Law<br />
Michael J. Zimmer, Professor of Law, Loyola University Chicago<br />
Lee Zimmerman, English, Hofstra University<br />
Mary Marsh Zulack, Columbia Law School<br />
<br />
<br />
From: <a href="http://www.rawstory.com/rs/2011/04/11/obamas-constitutional-law-professor-joins-group-calling-mannings-treatment-illegal/">The Raw story</a>Michael Moorehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13739217039402627922noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9027086726167206959.post-11969001828150817072011-03-13T19:11:00.000-07:002011-03-13T19:11:07.739-07:00News on Aassange and WikiLeaksHere are some links to news just in:<br />
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<a href="http://www.digitaljournal.com/article/304597">Accuser in Assange case has ties to police</a><br />
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<a href="http://www.greenleft.org.au/node/46964">Corporate media smears WikiLeaks</a><br />
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<a href="http://content.usatoday.com/communities/theoval/post/2011/03/obama-state-department-spokesman-resigns-amid-manning-flap/1">Obama State Department spokesman resigns amid Manning flap</a><br />
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<a href="http://www.upi.com/Top_News/US/2011/03/13/Under-the-US-Supreme-Court-Bradley-Manning-WikiLeaks-martyr/UPI-44541300001400/">Under the U.S. Supreme Court: Bradley Manning, WikiLeaks martyr?<br />
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Read more: http://www.upi.com/Top_News/US/2011/03/13/Under-the-US-Supreme-Court-Bradley-Manning-WikiLeaks-martyr/UPI-44541300001400/#ixzz1GXHcokm1<br />
</a><br />
<br />
And finally:<br />
<br />
<a href="http://blogs.forbes.com/benkerschberg/2011/03/12/why-the-wikileaks-twitter-case-was-correctly-decided-and-why-it-shouldnt-be/">Why The Wikileaks Twitter Case Was Correctly Decided. And Why It Shouldn’t Be</a>Michael Moorehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13739217039402627922noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9027086726167206959.post-37878565113208870512011-03-08T18:38:00.000-08:002011-03-08T18:38:11.898-08:00Torturing in the name of "human rights"The US Government, under the auspices of the military (who is running the country I wonder?) 'defend' human rights publicly yet impose conditions that have been labelled as torture.<br />
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The conditions under which Pfc. Manning is held breach the USA's obligations under various international standards and treaties to which they have previously agreed, including Article 10 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which the USA ratified in 1992 and which states that "all persons deprived of their liberty shall be treated with humanity and with respect for the inherent dignity of the human person."<br />
<br />
So it is a case of promoting human rights, when it suits them not because it is the right thing to do. Evidently they do not really care for human rights (as demonstrated in their invasion of Afghanistan where 150,000 civilians have been killed including killing 9 afghan boys under 14. From the safe distance of a helicopter of course. As well as other terrorist acts such as the Collateral Video which we have all seen.<br />
<br />
The harsh conditions imposed on Pfc. Manning also undermine the principle of the presumption of innocence, which should be taken into account in the treatment of any person under arrest or awaiting trial. We are concerned that the effects of isolation and prolonged cellular confinement--which evidence suggests can cause psychological impairment, including depression, anxiety and loss of concentration--may, further, undermine his ability to assist in his defense and thus his right to a fair trial. <br />
<br />
The US is rapidly becoming a police state and less a free country.<br />
<br />
More at <a href=" http://socialistworker.org/2011/03/08/torturing-bradley-manning">Torturing Bradley Manning</a>Michael Moorehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13739217039402627922noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9027086726167206959.post-69162126715673219042011-03-06T18:25:00.000-08:002011-03-06T18:25:39.563-08:00Assange extradition fears are real<a href="http://www.abc.net.au/unleashed/44710.html">Assange extradition fears are real</a><br />
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In theory, it ought to be difficult for the Obama administration, pressured by the resurgent and bloodthirsty Right, to demand the extradition of WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange from Sweden.<br />
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But the reality is that the Swedes will succumb to political pressure and undermine or sidestep the rule of law and allow the US ‘to land their quarry’.<br />
<br />
The claim by Assange’s legal team that one of the prime arguments against their client being extradited to Sweden to face investigation over alleged sexual assault charges is that he will end up being tortured in a high security American prison, are not simply hyperbolic advocacy.<br />
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Under Swedish law the extradition of an individual to a non-Nordic or non-European Union country can only occur if the following conditions are met.<br />
<br />
Firstly, the principle of dual criminality applies. That is, the act or alleged crime for which extradition is requested must be equivalent to a crime that is punishable under Swedish law by a jail term of one year or more. So you can’t be extradited for traffic offences for example.<br />
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Secondly, extradition will not be granted for the prosecution of “military or political offences”.<br />
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And finally extradition will not be granted if the person being extradited runs a risk on account of his or her religious or political beliefs, or ethnic origin of being persecuted. And if he or she faces the death penalty the Swedes will not hand the person over to another state.<br />
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If it is assumed Sweden has an equivalent to an American official secrets or espionage law and therefore the issue of dual criminality is settled, the US could not possibly satisfy the Swedish government that Mr Assange would not face all manner of cruel and unusual punishment by security agencies and US police. Even keeping Mr Assange isolated from other detainees and locked in his cell for 23 hours a day - a common penal American practice - should be enough to stop Swedish cooperation in an extradition. Then there is the fact that US federal law in respect of the offences of espionage and treason both carry the death penalty as a theoretical sentence. Theoretical because there is no-one currently on death row who has been convicted of these offences. But Mr Assange’s hosting of a website which carried an unprecedented number of US government documents might have prosecutors arguing for the death penalty.<br />
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In short, it is hard to see how Sweden, acting strictly in accordance with its own laws on extradition, could contemplate acceding to any US request to hand over Mr Assange.<br />
<br />
But Sweden’s track record in recent years in cases where extradition or forcible return to another country would result in human rights abuse is not one that would give Mr Assange any comfort.<br />
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In 2005 the European Court of Human Rights intervened to overturn a Swedish decision to deport two Syrian men, brothers, who were wanted in Syria over alleged ‘honour killings’. The Swedish authorities, having received information that the death penalty was unlikely to be imposed on the brothers, ordered that they been returned to Syria. The European Court upheld the brother’s argument that they feared persecution on return to Syria and noted that the Swedish government had been prepared to act on incomplete information and vague assurances from the Syrian embassy.<br />
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Four years earlier in December 2001, the Swedish authorities, again acting after obtaining assurances from Egypt that two asylum seekers would not be subjected to torture and would receive a fair trial, handed over Mohammed al-Zari and Ahmed Agiza, to the Americans who transferred the men to Cairo.<br />
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There is also the political overlay in the Assange case which taints the extradition process. As we saw in this country in relation to David Hicks and Mammoth Habib it did not matter what domestic or international law conventions and rules should have been applied to their cases, the overriding consideration by the Howard government was to cooperate with the Bush White House.<br />
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As Australian diplomat and writer Tony Kevin pointed out in a briefing to federal MPs last week (at which I also spoke) the current Swedish government of prime minister Fredric Reinfeldt is a centre-right coalition heeded by the Moderate Party “which has close ties with the US Republican right. Reinfeldt and Bush are friends. Reimfeldt is ideologically and personally close to the former Bush Administration”. And, Kevin noted, that Bush’s former right hand man and Republican strategist Karl Rove is a consultant to the Swedish government on political issues.<br />
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Sweden projects an image of liberalism and determined independence but it is an illusion. So the chance of Julian Assange being whisked away by CIA operatives from Sweden is a very real one. If it happens Assange will face the same fate as Hicks and Habib - physical and mental torture over a sustained period.<br />
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<a href="http://www.abc.net.au/unleashed/greg-barns-27578.html">Greg Barns</a> is a barrister and writer. He is a Director of the Australian Lawyers Alliance.Michael Moorehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13739217039402627922noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9027086726167206959.post-31409657706503178002011-02-28T18:42:00.000-08:002011-02-28T18:42:32.420-08:00Julian Assange: At the Forefront of 21st Century JournalismIf there were ever a doubt about whether the editor-in-chief of WikiLeaks, Julian Assange, is a journalist, recent events erase all those doubts and put him at the forefront of a movement to democratize journalism and empower people.<br />
<br />
The U.S. Department of Justice is still trying to find a way to prosecute Assange and others associated with WikiLeaks. A key to their prosecution is claiming he is not a journalist, but that weak premise has been made laughable by recent events.<br />
<br />
The list of WikiLeaks revelations has become astounding. During the North African and Middle East revolts WikiLeaks published documents that provided people with critical information. The traditional media has relied on WikiLeaks publications and is now also emulating WikiLeaks.<br />
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WikiLeaks has been credited by many with helping to spark the Tunisian Revolution because they provided information about the widespread corruption of the 23 year rule of the Ben Ali regime. PBS pointed to ten cables dating from 2006 to 2009 published by WikiLeaks in November that were translated and shared widely in Tunisia detailing the corruption and authoritarian rule of Ben Ali who lived in opulent luxury while Tunisians struggled. Foreign Policy reported that “the candor of the cables released by WikiLeaks did more for Arab democracy than decades of backstage U.S. diplomacy.”<br />
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In Egypt, WikiLeaks publications provided democracy activists with the information needed to spark protests, provided background that explained the Egyptian uprising, described the suppression of opinions critical of the regime by arrest and harassment of journalists, bloggers and a poet; showed the common use of police brutality and torture; the abuse of the 1967 emergency law to arrest and indefinitely detain journalists, activists, labor leaders and members of the Muslim Brotherhood; as well as how rivals were removed to ensure Gamal Mubarak succeeded his father. Traditional media publications like the New York Times relied on WikiLeaks to analyze the causes of the uprising.<br />
<br />
Another set of documents described how Israel and the U.S. wanted Omar Suleiman to replace Mubarak. Suleiman, a military intelligence officer for three decades, was described by Secretary of State Clinton, as the preferred successor. WikiLeaks wrote an article describing Suleiman’s close relationship with the United States. Suleimen described Egypt as “a partner” with the U.S. and the U.S. described him as “the most successful element of the relationship” with Egypt. The long history of Suleiman working with Israel to suppress democracy in Gaza, keeping the people of Gaza hungry and being in constant contact with Israel through a hotline was revealed. WikiLeaks also showed that Suleiman shared U.S. and Israeli concern over Iran, and was disdainful of Muslims in politics as well as the Muslim Brotherhood. All of this made Suleiman very popular with Israel and the U.S., but unacceptable to democracy advocates.<br />
<br />
The United States used some WikiLeaks publications to show that it had been critical of Egypt and exerted private pressure, as well as support for democracy activists like Mohammad ElBaradei. Despite what has been portrayed in the traditional media, WikiLeaks published materials with an agenda for transparency and an informed public, not an intent to harm the U.S.<br />
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WikiLeaks informed the Bahrain public about their government’s cozy relationship with the U.S. It described a $5 billion joint-venture with Occidental Petroleum, and $300 million in U.S. military sales. ABC reported on WikiLeaks documents that described the close relationship between U.S. and Bahrain intelligence agencies and how the U.S. Navy is the foundation of Bahrain’s national security. This was emphasized to General Patraeus along with their common opposition to Iran, Al Qaeda in Iraq and their desire for U.S. troops to stay in Iraq.<br />
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WikiLeaks has been criticized by U.S. enemies. Iranian President, President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, described WikiLeaks as U.S. “intelligence warfare” saying: “These documents are prepared and released by the U.S. government in a planned manner and in pursuance of a goal.” WikiLeaks was criticized by Libya’s Ghaddafi who shut down Facebook in Tripoli and sporadically shut off the Internet to prevent Libyan’s from knowing the truth. No doubt WikiLeaks publications embarrassed Ghaddafi adding fuel to internal opposition to his regime.<br />
<br />
WikiLeaks is filling a void with traditional media as the level of distrust of the mass media is now at record highs. A recent Gallup Poll found 57% of Americans do not trust the media and a Pew Poll found a record low 29% trust the media. There is good reason for distrust. The New York Times helped start the Iraq War by publishing the false weapons of mass destruction story. It recently misled the public about a Blackwater employee arrested in Pakistan by hiding the fact that he worked for the CIA, while reporting that Obama said he was a diplomat. Even the way the Times and Washington Post reported on WikiLeaks documents showed reason for distrust. WikiLeaks described Iranian long-range missiles that could hit European cities but also reported that Russian intelligence refuted the claim. The Times and Post evidently made a decision to exaggerate Iranian capability and mislead readers by excluding the Russian intelligence report. The Times admits it provides WikiLeaks documents to the government in advance and excludes material at the request of the government.<br />
<br />
There has been a steady decline in readers and viewers of newspapers and television news since 1980. The decline began before the existence of the Internet. The decline in younger readers has been particularly noticeable – 30 years ago 60% of people under 36 read a newspaper daily, now it is 30%. The Internet has seen a steady rise in viewers and news outlets.<br />
<br />
Even though some in the traditional media are threatened by WikiLeaks, more and more outlets are acknowledging their journalism. Reporters Without Borders hosts a mirror site of WikiLeaks as “a gesture of support for WikiLeaks’ right to publish information without being obstructed.” Similarly, a mainstream French newspaper Liberation announced a "mirror-WikiLeaks" site on its website<br />
<br />
Jeff Jarviz of the City University of New York’s Graduate School of Journalism writes: “We in journalism must recognize that WikiLeaks is an element of a new ecosystem of news. It is a new form of the press. So we must defend its rights as media. If we do not, we could find our own rights curtailed. Asking whether WikiLeaks should be stopped is exactly like asking whether this newspaper should be stopped when it reveals what government does not want the public to know. We have been there before; let us never return.”<br />
<br />
The Guardian, a WikiLeaks partner wrote in an editorial: “There is a need as never before for an internet that remains a free and universal form of communication. WikiLeaks' chief crime has been to speak truth to power. What is at stake is nothing less than the freedom of the internet.”<br />
<br />
Jay Rosen of the New York University journalism school describes WikiLeaks as the first “stateless news agency.” The actions of WikiLeaks, he noted, show our news organizations how “statist they really are” and leakers going to WikiLeaks rather than the traditional media, shows how distrustful people are of the corporate media. This all shows that the “watchdog press has died” and WikiLeaks is filling the void.<br />
<br />
The void will exist – and be filled – whether or not the Department of Justice prosecutes Julian Assange. The Economist writes: “With or without WikiLeaks, the technology exists to allow whistleblowers to leak data and documents while maintaining anonymity. With or without WikiLeaks, the personnel, technical know-how, and ideological will exists to enable anonymous leaking and to make this information available to the public. Jailing Thomas Edison in 1890 would not have darkened the night.”<br />
<br />
The traditional media is emulating WikiLeaks. Al Jazeera has created a “transparency unit” that launched in January 2011 and has published the Palestine Papers, which describe the Palestinian-Israeli peace process, based on leaked documents. The New York Times is now talking about creating its own version of WikiLeaks. Students at CUNY’s Graduate School of Journalism designed LocaLeaks, allowing anonymous encrypted leaks to over 1,400 U.S. newspapers. Government employees and business insiders can now report illegal or unethical practices without being identified.<br />
<br />
The journalism democracy door has been opened, power to report is being redistributed, government employees and corporate whistleblowers are being empowered and greater transparency is becoming a reality. The United States would be better off accepting these realities than prosecuting the news organization that showed the way. Prosecution will highlight the utter hypocrisy of the U.S. government, showing the world it does not mean what it says when it claims that freedom of the speech and press are cornerstones of democratic government.<br />
<br />
reprinted from <a href="http://warisacrime.org/content/julian-assange-forefront-21st-century-journalism">warisacrime.org</a>Michael Moorehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13739217039402627922noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9027086726167206959.post-82604964869747162802011-02-24T18:16:00.000-08:002011-02-24T18:16:32.193-08:00Assange must be extradited says JudgeA British judge has ruled that Julian Assange must be extradited to Sweden to face sex crime allegations and Julian Assanges lawyers have announced that they will appeal the decision. His mother, Christine Assange,stated her son is in a 'David and Goliath situation'.<br />
<br />
She also stated that Prime Minister Julia Gillard is 'complicit in defamation' of Julian Assange. Christine Assange talks to Jon Faine on 774 ABC Melbourne Mornings.<br />
<br />
A Radio interview with Christine Assange on Australian ABC local radio. <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/local/audio/2011/02/25/3148833.htm">Chrisine Assange</a>.Michael Moorehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13739217039402627922noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9027086726167206959.post-65634355921165373312011-02-22T18:29:00.000-08:002011-02-22T18:29:20.128-08:00Amazon's kicks Wikileaks off its Cloud Computing ServiceAmazon, after a bit of a chattypoos with Senator Joe Lieberman decided to arbvitrarily cut Wikileaks off its cloud computer services.<br />
<br />
"Because the company apparently acted on its own, without direct order from the government, this decision is unreviewable by a court. Given what we know of the materials as they have come out to this point, there is little likelihood that an official order to remove the materials would have succeeded in surmounting the high barriers erected by first amendment doctrine in cases of prior restraint. The fact that the same effect was sought to be achieved through a public statement by an official, executed by voluntary action of a private company, suggests a deep vulnerability of the checks imposed by the first amendment in the context of a public sphere built entirely of privately-owned infrastructure."<br />
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According to an upcoming paper to be published in the Harvard Civil Rights-Civil Liberties Law Review by Harvard Law Professor Yochai Benkler.<br />
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Further information can be read in the <a href="http://blogs.forbes.com/andygreenberg/2011/02/22/harvard-law-prof-amazons-wikileaks-shutdown-set-dangerous-precedent">paper</a><br />
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Benkler, who is a faculty member at Harvard Law’s Berkman Center for Internet and Society, states the same method was used to cut off WikiLeaks’ payments from Visa, MasterCard, and PayPal: "The implicit alliance, a public-private partnership between the firms that operate the infrastructure and the government that encourages them to help in its war on terror, embodied by this particularly irritating organization, was able to achieve extra-legally much more than law would have allowed the state to do by itself."<br />
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However, WikiLeaks' exile from Amazon's servers is an alertthat even private companies can be bentto governmental pressure. <br />
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Benkler doesn't argue that Lieberman's pressure on Amazon and others to jettison WikiLeaks is illegal. but allarmingly that is probvably the very reason why it calls into question the future of free speech online.Michael Moorehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13739217039402627922noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9027086726167206959.post-62748181546342119352011-02-17T18:36:00.000-08:002011-02-17T18:36:18.592-08:00Clinton does not care what people think perhaps?It is interesting that such a double standard should be so openly used and defended by hillary Clinton and the State Dept. Defending the 'rights' of Egyptions, and other protestes now in the muslim Communities yet working hard to suppress the rights of individuasls such as Assange.<br />
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Is it a case of the US State Dept under Hillary Clinton does not really care what others think of her? Is it a case of, "I have the power and you don't so get stuffed," type of thinking. If that is the case I feel sorry for the US State Dept. But not that sorry.<br />
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Even if they were to successfully Kangeroo Court a trial on Assange and execute him for exposing their own crimes, a million others would take his place. One gets what one resists. Look throughout history. There are many examples of nations getting the very policy, thohgt, ideology or whatever they originally so strenuously resisted.<br />
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This will be no different.Michael Moorehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13739217039402627922noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9027086726167206959.post-19933919465173802002011-02-16T18:15:00.001-08:002011-02-16T18:15:45.930-08:00US politicians introduce law to prosecute WikileaksNew legislation in the US Congress targets WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange for espionage prosecution.<br />
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Representative Peter King, a New York Republican, introduced the Securing Human Intelligence and Enforcing Lawful Dissemination, or SHIELD, Act on Tuesday. The bill would clarify US law by saying that it is an act of espionage to publish the protected names of American intelligence sources who collaborate with the military or intelligence agencies.<br />
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King introduced similar legislation in 2010. Senators John Ensign, Joe Lieberman and Scott Brown, introduced similar legislation in the Senate last week.<br />
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more at <a href="http://www.cfoworld.co.uk/news/risk/3261263/us-politicians-introduce-law-to-prosecute-wikileaks/">US politicians introduce law to prosecute Wikileaks</a>.Michael Moorehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13739217039402627922noreply@blogger.com0